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Tibet, China and India
THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF HIS HOLINESS THE XIV DALAI LAMA -
Selected speeches and writings: A. A. Shiromany - Editor; Tibetan
Parliamentary and Policy Research Centre, C-1/1267, Vasant Kunj,
New Delhi-110070. Price not mentioned.
THE DALAI LAMA - Tibetan leader-in-exile - has been travelling
all over the world canvassing support to his cause, even though
it is no more considered a live issue by the global community.
The reader is struck by his tenacity of purpose and tireless
advocacy. What is more, all this is marked by total absence of
rancour.
The Dalai Lama recalls that the Communist invasion of Tibet
started in 1949 and the 1951 agreement was signed under duress.
For centuries before, the relationship between Tibet and China
was one of priest and patron. The uprising on March 10, 1959 was
brutally suppressed. He is deeply upset by the mass population
transfer, resulting in the Chinese outnumbering Tibetans by more
than 20 times. Human rights are generally not guaranteed even
though there has been progress in communication, education and
healthcare. The growing militarisation of Tibet and dumping of
nuclear waste there disturb the Dalai Lama deeply.
It is seen from his talks in various world forums and his press
conferences that he has transformed himself from an angry
ascetic, demanding total independence for Tibet, to a mellowed
statesman who is willing to negotiate, being part of China with
maximum autonomy. Sweeping political changes in the world,
China's emergence as a mighty military and economic power in Asia
and the growing colonisation of Tibet by the Chinese must have
weighed with him. Also, that there is a lack of international
public opinion and concern, should also have compelled a
rethinking on the subject. Following Deng Xiaoping's statement in
1979 that, apart from the total independence of Tibet, all other
issues could be discussed and resolved, the Dalai Lama hoped for
a solution and made proposals on these lines. According to him,
the Chinese Government showed no positive response for 18 years
and Deng Xiaoping passed away. It is not clear why the issue was
not discussed during Deng's lifetime. Was Deng not serious or did
the Chinese Government ignore his belief?
The reader can see through all the euphemisms and discern the
strong peeve that there was more vocal protest and international
support when human rights were violated elsewhere. The Dalai Lama
has friendly relations with Taiwan and he is very sore that the
Chinese call him a ``splittist'' on this ground.
It is in the press conferences that the Dalai Lama has had to
elaborate some of his views adumbrated earlier elsewhere. He
describes India's attitude to China as ``overcautious'',
acknowledges India's sympathetic support and also is aware that
India cannot do anything more as China is involved. He hastens to
sound hopeful and recalls that India did not recognise the
Bangladesh government-in-exile first; but later sent her army to
help its liberation. He does not want a successor and prefers
total democratisation of rule; but he also believes firmly in
reincarnation.
Though he dismisses criticism of India by some Tibetan scholars
as their personal view, he himself has indicated in quite a few
places that a bolder initiative from India would have helped him
better. He painfully recalls that even as early as in 1954, India
referred to Tibet as ``part of China'' in the bilateral trade
agreement. India also did not favour a reference to the United
Nations. He is willing for Tibet to be part of China, enjoying
maximum autonomy and leaving defence and external affairs to be
handled by that country. He would very much like India to promote
and monitor the dialogue with China. His long term ideal, of
course, is a peace-zone of Tibet which will act as a buffer
between India and China.
For all his pride in the glorious Tibetan culture and heritage,
the Dalai Lama is wise and practical and acknowledges that ``We
Tibetans, due to reincarnations and Lamas, have been spoiled a
bit with our own rules and systems.'' That explains his zeal for
democratic restructuring of the system.
The Chinese, the Dalai Lama alleges, are changing the face of
Tibet with cultural colonialism, demographic aggression through
mass population transfer, growing militarisation and denial of
human rights to the locals. For all his determined pursuit, the
Tibetan case does not appear to be engaging or agitating the
minds of the world nations. Meanwhile, the pontiff soldiers on.
A. S. PADMANABHAN
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