The ethnic factor in politics

ETHNIC FUTURES - The State and Identity Politics in Asia: Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and others; Sage Publications India, M-32 Market, Greater Kailash I, New Delhi-110048. Rs. 195.

A TEAM of contributors have put together a detailed analysis of the ethnic tensions and conflicts in four Asian nations - Nepal, Sri Lanka, India and Malaysia. They have looked at past conflicts, communal flare-ups, and juxtaposed them with contemporary developments in these societies in transition.

The authors take the line that majority and minority ethnic nationalism is neither primordial and ancient, nor exclusively modern inventions. It is their surmise that modern state building and the consolidation of national borders in the post-colonial period ``have congealed and invented new forms of collective identity.'' In the process, they have created the very ethnic identities, confrontations and violence that states proclaim as ancient and purport to control.

Dominant ethno-religious groups have developed ``minority complexes'', in these countries and politicians have tended to use them for electoral gains. Politicians pander to the needs of the minorities and also keep the majority community happy.

In the case histories of three South Asian and a South-East Asian society, the book presents the current state of play on the ethno-political front. There are, no doubt, attempts by modern states to create homogeneous nations out of diversity, as well as an effort to accommodate cultural differences. A recent phenomenon in this strife is the interplay of regional and cross- border tensions. Equally important is the influence of economic factors on the simmering tensions. The process of globalisation is adding a new dimension to conflicts, marginalising the poor and widening the rift.

The ``minority complex'' or anxieties about them led to the rise of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka, the Hindutva movement in India and ``Bhumiputraism'' in Malaysia. There are also obvious attempts by governments to invent national unity and foster cultural homogeneity in the name of ``secularism'' or its equivalent.

There is a school of thought that ethnic tensions and differences are a consequence of colonial rule, bequeathed to countries when they became independent. But politicians in these countries have made use of the very same weapons and policies to perpetuate their power and hold. This has resulted in the ``ethnicisation of politics''.

In the case of Nepal, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka argues that ethnic grievances and protest movements are still in their nascent stage. It is only the process of democratisation that can give them a greater say. Its future will be linked to the role of the high-caste Hindu elite in politics, ethnic competition and whether ethnic leaders consider the ``distributional patterns'' unjust. To avoid a major upheaval, the government in the kingdom must improve the living conditions of all its people and speed up the process of decentralisation of power. Encouraging public debate among social groups can create a congenial climate for evolving solutions. The problem in Sri Lanka is far more complex as Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake analyses it. Though the problem has gathered storm since 1957, things took a turn for the worse in 1983 after the ethnic riots and killings that shook the world. One of the bloodiest civil wars has been fought in this lovely island since then. A bi-polar configuration has emerged pitting the Sinhala forces against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This marginalised the ethnic Muslims, whose problems have to be addressed now. There was ``ethnic cleansing'' by the LTTE, which ordered the Muslims to leave the north.

Unfortunately, even if the government or the people want peace, it is difficult to sort out the issues and get the LTTE to accept a peaceful, negotiated and democratic solution, which can guarantee the rights and privileges of the ethnic minorities.

Though there have been no incidents or clashes in Malaysia in the past three decades, the emergence of Singapore as a city-state, stands as a grim reminder of the past - the gory clashes between Malays and ethnic Chinese. Since the birth of Malaysia, there has been only one coalition government - of the Barisan Nasional (National) Front - which clubs together the majority Malays with the Chinese and the Tamils. But the enterprise of the Chinese has always sparked fears among the native Malays, giving rise to the ``Bumiputera'' policy of the Government - granting a special status and privileges to the majority Malays.

Edmund Terence Gomez looks at the ethnic balance in Malaysia and says the policies promoting integration of the communities have not been actively implemented. The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), representing the Malays in the Front, maintains its hegemony within the political arrangement, managing the class and ethnic divisions in the country.

By promoting a policy of multiracialism, the UMNO has also managed to ensure its continuance in power, holding the other two communities with it. The Prime Minister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, has effectively crushed dissent within the UMNO, remaining in power for almost two decades now. Since the economic crisis in 1997, tensions and dissatisfaction are simmering.

Ashis Nandy takes on the challenge of trying to study and analyse the communal tensions and clashes in India. This study becomes more relevant in the context of the recent outbreak of riots in Gujarat or the killings in Orissa. It may be too simplistic to attribute the rise in communal clashes to the fortunes of the BJP. The series of charts on the causes of communal violence, the distribution of Muslim and Hindu population in riot-prone areas and the perceived role of political parties as well as criminals in such violence throws more light on the problem. But Nandy's theory is difficult to comprehend.

V. JAYANTH

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