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Friday poll may show the way for reforms
By Kesava Menon
MANAMA (BAHRAIN), MAY. 1. The progression of the intimidation
campaign being carried out by Iranian conservatives against pro-
reformists depends on the results of the second round of the
Parliamentary election to be held on Friday. If their candidates
do prosper in the second round, the conservatives will have
gained sufficient clout in Parliament to stymie the reform
programme of the President, Mr. Mohammad Khatami.
Voters in 66 constituencies, where no candidate got even 25 per
cent of the vote in the first round held on February 18, will go
again to the polling station on Friday. Current indications are
that the campaign of intimidation by the conservatives has not
reversed the strong pro-reform trend of the first round. In fact,
the trend could even get stronger since the massive majority of
pro-reform voters are likely to rally behind the smaller number
of their candidates contesting the second round. That will, of
course, only happen if the elections are as fair and above board
as the first round.
With the entire liberal press shut down, a vital instrument to
measure the legitimacy of the second round polling would be
missing. The conservatives control the Council of Guardians, the
body which supervises the poll and also enjoy a monopoly over the
media. Neither have they shown any qualms about using these
instruments to further their interests. For instance, the Council
has said contrary to all indications from the field that the
voting for 30 seats in Teheran in the first round was suspect. If
they have the audacity to make such claims about the vote which
was watched closely by domestic and international observers, then
they can claim anything in respect of the rest of the country.
By rigging the vote or counting and ancillary measures, the
conservatives could hope to grab most of the 66 (or more if some
of the Teheran seats are to be opened for a second round) seats
remaining. Along with the 30-odd seats they won in the first
round, the conservatives could hope to have over a 100 seats in
the 290-member Parliament. This will certainly not be enough for
them to be able to implement their own agenda but it may be
enough for them to stymie Mr. Khatami's reform programme. An
obstructionist outgoing Parliament did its best to ensure that
Mr. Khatami could not do much to implement the economic and
administrative aspects of his reform programme.
So far, Mr. Khatami's reforms have been almost entirely about the
widening of the sphere of political and civil rights. But with an
official unemployment rate of 16 per cent (unofficial estimates
are almost double) and widespread despair at the lack of growth
and high degrees of corruption, the public could soon become
impatient with the slow rate of economic and administrative
reform. Iranian conservatives control large swathes of the public
sector since nominally State-owned industries have been hived off
to the boniyads (foundations) which they manage. If they also
have a strong presence in Parliament they could block government
legislation and policies aimed at economic growth.
A strong presence in Parliament, though well short of a majority,
could be invaluable to the conservatives. Pro-reform
parliamentarians are a not a very cohesive group since they do
not subscribe to the same set of economic and political policies.
The conservatives could work on these fissures within the reform
camp to unsettle the Government's agenda. If they succeed in
their aims it could be Mr. Khatami, rather than the
conservatives, who become the objects of public disenchantment.
If the conservatives are able to ``manage'' the second round vote
in their favour they might tone down the intimidation levels of
their current campaign. If they are not able to then their
isolation would be more complete and more graphic.
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