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A land seared by violence
The stated reasons for the outbreak of the rebellion in Sierra
Leone are the stuff of every revolt against the state by a
disaffected people - rampant corruption and misrule. M. S.
PRABHAKARA traces the evolution of the decade-long unrest.
WHERE DOES one situate the beginnings of the seemingly endless
horror and tragedy in Sierra Leone: an estimated 50,000 dead,
over a million people displaced, horrific crimes against women
and children and other civilians, rape, mutilation, arson and
mass murder? How does one understand this nearly decade-long
conflict routinely described as a civil war - surely a
contradiction in terms, for no war can be described as civil,
least of all one which has involved a people, across national
borders sharing a common moral, material and geographical
landscape despite the differences in language, religion and
ethnicity, in such unimaginable brutality?
The conflict began in March 1991 with the outbreak of the
rebellion in the eastern part of the country bordering Liberia
against the one-party rule of the All Peoples' Congress. The
leader of the revolt was Mr. Foday Sankoh, a former corporal in
the national army and a man of many parts (including a brief
career as a photographer). He headed a rebel movement called the
Revolutionary United Front (RUF). It is not accidental that the
rebellion broke out in the area bordering Liberia, rich in
diamonds - a constant factor in all the strife, given the close
linkages between the RUF and the National Patriotic Front of
Liberia, a rebel movement then led by Mr. Charles Taylor, one
with an equally gruesome reputation and a major actor in an
equally gory Liberian drama. Mr. Taylor is now the elected
President of Liberia and his rebel movement is now a legitimate
political party, the National Patriotic Party - surely a tempting
model for Mr. Sankoh to follow.
The stated reasons for the outbreak of the rebellion, and its
persistence over nearly a decade, are the stuff of every revolt
against the state by a disaffected people - rampant corruption
and misrule. The initial grievances were probably justified. The
APC Government led by Mr. Siaka Stevens, Prime Minister and later
President, had faced numerous challenges, including coups and
counter-coups and even palace coups from within its own support
base, ever since it assumed office following the party's victory
in the general elections of March 1967 over the Sierra Leone
Peoples' Party which had negotiated the transition of Sierra
Leone from a Crown Colony to an independent dominion within the
British Commonwealth in 1961.
The adoption of a republican constitution four years later did
not make any difference, for the problems faced by Sierra Leone,
like those of every other post-colonial state, cannot be resolved
by cosmetic changes. In a process all too familiar, the
Government after the reverses in the 1977 general elections,
introduced a single party system in June 1978, with the APC as
the only legal party.
This, inevitably, led to more instability, more coups and
counter-coups and palace coups, culminating in the emergence of
yet another military strongman, Captain Valentine Strasser, who
staged a coup in April 1992, committing the new regime among
other things to crushing the uprising in the east by the RUF.
Sierra Leone has seldom been out of the news since then, though
not in the South African media. Military rule only seemed to
obscure the cruelties of the RUF which had battled equally
virulently against the Government in Freetown, be it civilian or
military.
At least on two occasions, in 1994 and 1995, it was close to
capturing Freetown and was beaten back by British and South
African mercenaries hired for the purpose. However, the election
of Mr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, candidate of the SLPP, as President,
in Sierra Leone's first free multiparty polls in two decades in
March 1996, revived hopes of peace once again. Two days after he
assumed office, the RUF responded by apparently suing for peace
and accepting the Government's proposal for a ceasefire; and on
November 30, 1996, Mr. Kabbah and Mr. Sankoh signed a peace
accord in Abdijan.
The accord, however, collapsed less than two months later when
fighting broke out. Soon thereafter the elected Government itself
was overthrown by a coup organised by the armed forces and led by
Major Johnny Paul Koroma. One of the acts of the junta was to
name Mr. Sankoh, then in detention in Nigeria, as the Vice-
President (in absentia) of the new regime.
The developments since then are even more complicated, with the
added dimension of the involvement of Nigeria, via the agency of
the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and its
peace-keeping arm, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG). A major player in the developments both in Liberia and
Sierra Leone over the past decade, Nigeria, itself then under
military rule, took the lead in securing the restoration of the
civilian Government in Sierra Leone; and Mr. Kabbah was duly
restored in March 1998.
The fiercest phase of the civil war began on January 6, last
year. According to a Human Rights Watch report, ``the battle for
Freetown and the ensuring three-week rebel occupation of the
capital was characterised by the systematic and widespread
perpetration of all classes of atrocities against the civilian
population of over one million inhabitants, and marked the most
intensive and concentrated period of human rights violations in
Sierra Leone's civil war.'' It was also then that Sierra Leone
became world news, with relief agencies and NGOs becoming other
important players in the drama.
Once again, there were negotiations for peace, a condition for
which was the release of Mr. Sankoh, still held by the Nigerians.
A ceasefire agreement signed on May 18, last year, was followed
by yet another peace accord (which has once again broken down in
the developments over the past three weeks) signed in Lome at a
regional summit of West African leaders on July 7, last year. The
deal offered the RUF four Cabinet seats in a national unity
Government, in return for their disarming. It does not even
require the wisdom of hindsight to see that this would only
enable the rebel leader to secure for himself and his followers a
power base in the capital and continue his long term plan to
capture power in Sierra Leone
The developments since then - especially since the beginning of
this month when several peace-keepers of the U.N. Mission in
Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), approved by the Security Council on
October 22, last year, have been killed and about 500 held
hostage by the RUF - are the stuff of everyday news, the fare of
every TV dinner.
What interests this correspondent, reporting from South Africa,
is the selectivity in the ``concern of the international
community'' over these developments, in particular Britain and
the United States, anxious only about the lives of their citizens
but determined that their forces would not be deployed to support
the broader U.N. efforts to ensure peace in Sierra Leone, or even
protect the lives of U.N. personnel who are in Sierra Leone on a
Security Council mandate. Some things never change.
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