Clearing the air

APART FROM THE `humanitarian' assistance offered to Sri Lanka, the Jaswant Singh visit would have helped to clear the air and reassure Colombo that the Government of India remained firmly committed to the `unity and territorial integrity' of the island nation. During his intensive interactions with the President, Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga, the Foreign Minister, Mr. Lakshman Kadirgamar, and other political leaders there, Mr. Jaswant Singh must have both convinced them of India's policy and got a detailed brief on both the military and the political situation in the island. The offer of a $ 100 million line of credit and a possible barter trade arrangement would perhaps drive home the point that New Delhi was serious about humanitarian assistance in this hour of crisis. But more important, Mr. Singh must have made India's policy formulation clear to Ms. Kumaratunga. That some of the National Democratic Alliance partners from Tamil Nadu were advocating secession and the Chief Minister even spoke of a Czech-type partition caused quite some concern in Colombo. Mr. Singh's visit must have helped to iron out the problems and make it clear that there was no shift in Indian policy and the Government was committed to backing Colombo's efforts for a peaceful, political resolution of the ethnic conflict.

One thing that appears to have been insufficiently appreciated in the Indian discourse on Sri Lankan policy is that negotiations on a political package have reached an advanced stage. Indian leaders and politicians in Tamil Nadu continue to speak emphatically of the ``rights of the Sri Lankan Tamils'' as if they remain completely unfulfilled. It is not the pre-1987 stage anymore and analysts acknowledge the gains that have accrued in substantive terms to Tamils under the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement. That is why the Chandrika proposals have now been seen as the basis for further advance. The important thing now is to get the two major Sinhala parties to evolve a consensus and take the other Tamil and Muslim parties on board. That itself would be a major starting point for the peace process, with or without the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). There are a few sticking points in the constitutional reforms and the devolution package which need to be sorted out. The unitary character of the Constitution has been a major irritant for the minorities; the right of all communities to education and employment has to be guaranteed; land rights for the Tamils have to be provided and other features such as the need for a Central and concurrent list of subjects to be dealt with by the federal and provincial Governments have to be agreed upon. These critical details have to be finalised.

Politicians in India must realise that it is unwise to keep talking about evacuation of troops from Jaffna, when the Sri Lankan forces have been able to halt the LTTE offensive. New Delhi remains clear that no military intervention is on the cards. When that is clear, the only role that India can play is to facilitate a negotiated settlement of the issues on hand and provide any humanitarian help that may be required. The line of credit and the barter trade offer for instance, must give considerable relief to Colombo, which is facing an acute fiscal strain because of the increased military spending. When India is enjoying a comfortable surplus in foodgrains, ensuring food security in Sri Lanka and putting the bilateral ties in clear perspective were crucial tasks. Mr. Singh seems to have accomplished that. Sri Lanka and the international community have realised India's stake in this problem and want it to play a positive role in resolving the ethnic crisis. Without involving itself directly, New Delhi could play a catalytic role to get all the parties concerned to sit across the table and find a peaceful, negotiated settlement.

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Section  : Opinion
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