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Resolving the Narmada conflict
By Mihir Shah
FOLLOWING THE Supreme Court judgment on Narmada, there has been
outrage at what is seen as a regressive verdict. The learned
lordships have grossly overstated the case for big dams, ignoring
a huge amount of relevant research and data. Even the strongest
votaries of big dams admit that the history of resettlement of
Project Affected Persons (PAPs) in India does not inspire
confidence. Without an iota of evidence, however, the judges take
a contrary view. Completely overlooking the Government's own
statistics that 75 per cent of those displaced have not been
properly rehabilitated in the last 50 years.
Because most responses have attacked the judgment, the impression
is that the verdict completely ignores the concerns of the
Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA). Unfortunately, the NBA itself by
aggressively attacking the Court has given credence to such a
view. What needs to be highlighted is the remarkable fact that
even a judgment so unreasonably favourable to big dams, is unable
to ignore the concerns of the NBA.
I quote from the directions of the ``majority'' judgment:
``...further raising of the height will be only pari passu with
the implementation of the relief and rehabilitation and on
clearance by the Relief and Rehabilitation Sub-Group. The R&R
Sub-Group will give clearance of further construction after
consulting the Grievances Redressal Authorities (GRAs).''``The
Environment Sub-Group will consider and give, at each stage of
the construction of the dam, environment clearance before further
construction beyond 90 metres can be undertaken.'' ``The reports
of the GRAs and of Madhya Pradesh in particular, shows that there
is considerable slackness in the work of identification of land,
acquisition of suitable land and the consequent steps necessary
to be taken to rehabilitate the project oustees.'' ``The NCA will
within 4 weeks from today draw up an Action Plan in relation to
further construction and the relief and rehabilitation work to be
undertaken.'' ``The Review Committee shall meet at least once in
three months so as to oversee the progress of construction of the
dam and implementation of the R&R programmes.''
Never in the history of independent India has any development
project been subject to the kind of continuous review proposed
for Sardar Sarovar by the Supreme Court. Clearly the implementers
of the project cannot be trusted for more than a height of five
metres or even a period of three months! The Supreme Court has
laid down that ``resettlement and rehabilitation has to be done
at least six months in advance of submersion, complete in all
respects''. This pari passu condition is most unlikely to be
complied with. In his first recorded response to the Supreme
Court verdict, the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh said: ``One
of the main clauses of the award of the Narmada Tribunal is that
all project affected people should get land in lieu of land. The
main problem is that we do not have any arable land to give to
the oustees''.
This stark statement of the Government of Madhya Pradesh makes it
impossible now for anyone to assert that rehabilitation of PAPs
is possible in accordance with the law. The Sardar Sarovar
Project (SSP) must, therefore, be reconsidered on this ground, if
not any other. The dam as presently designed is unimplementable.
Does this mean, though, that the people of Gujarat are not
entitled to Narmada water? With due respect to the NBA, the
answer to the question is a simple ``no''. For one thing, the dam
already stands at a height of over 250 feet. The challenge is to
redesign the dam. The Supreme Court rules out the possibility of
redesign by accepting the argument of ``non-reviewability'' of
the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal award. This makes no sense.
All kinds of modifications have already been made and always have
to be made in projects of this kind. It is 20 years since the
Tribunal award and crucial parameters with a bearing on design
such as water availability in the river, have changed in the
intervening period.
So a redesign must be attempted. Especially because a
technically-sound blueprint of such a redesign already exists.
This alternative blueprint not only meets the urgent water
requirements of the people of Gujarat, it also drastically
reduces the burden of submergence for the PAPs, who mainly live
in Madhya Pradesh. The redesign is particularly important in view
of the fact that the present Sardar Sarovar is not meant to take
irrigation water to most of the drought-prone areas of Saurashtra
and Kutch. Their claim is only to drinking water. But do we need
such a huge dam just for drinking water? No, there are ways of
bringing this water here, which do not involve the building of
such a destructive dam.
If, after the judgment, the project implementers take the view
that they have no reason to compromise because it will be all
smooth sailing from now on, they are gravely mistaken. There are
real people being devastated by the dam. And today, thanks to the
NBA, they have found a voice. They exist; they are not a fiction.
The land required for legally resettling them, however, is a
fiction; it does not exist. So it would be no surprise to see
them moving the Supreme Court to hold it accountable to its own
verdict, asking it to stop work on the dam which threatens their
right to life.
At the same time the NBA must recognise that local water
harvesting is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for
overcoming drought in the excessively low rainfall areas of
Saurashtra and Kutch. It must also affirm the right of the people
of Gujarat to the water of the Narmada, especially those of its
people who need it most, who are being excluded by the current
Sardar Sarovar.
It is probably best to freeze the dam at its present height, at
which the R&R of PAPs is already proving difficult. The NBA must
now pay greater attention to ensuring that the rights of already
displaced PAPs are not trampled over. It is no longer meaningful
to say koi nahin hatega, baandh nahin banega (no one will move,
the dam will not be built). The dam has been built, the PAPs are
being illegally thrown out. Some one has to ensure this does not
carry on. At the same time, a new water policy for Gujarat needs
to be formulated that includes massive watershed development and
micro-irrigation programmes, along with a redesigned Sardar
Sarovar.
The fact is that we have never involved the people of this
country in making policies that affect their lives. Movements
such as the NBA are forcing Governments to advance in this
direction. And there is a real urgency to these issues. We have
all seen the terrible consequences for millions of working people
of a Master Plan for Delhi that was devised and is sought to be
implemented without the involvement of the people of the city.
Even more dangerous is the move to amend the Land Acquisition
Act, as also the Vth Schedule of the Constitution, to denotify
tribal lands so that these can be transferred to non-tribals
(read MNCs), all in the name of ``second (or is it third)
generation reforms''.
It is now for some of those who can express concern for issues in
a manner that brings people together to rise to the occasion. Who
better than Baba Amte, the spearhead of the Knit India movement?
Who better than the President of the Republic, as committed as
any other Indian to the plight of the tribal people, to create
the necessary political will, to move the warring parties on to a
path of reconciliation?
The western liberal tradition of conflict resolution, based on
the framework of rights, can only go some of the way. The history
of humankind has witnessed other more ``needs and consensus''
based modes of decision making, such as those of tribal
communities. May be we need to follow them to find a way out of
the impasse, which remains where it was, even after the verdict
of the Supreme Court.
(The writer is an activist working among the tribals of the
Narmada Valley in Madhya Pradesh.)
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