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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Tuesday, June 19, 2001 |
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Opinion
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A new paradigm for Indo-U.S. ties
THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION is eager to widen the frontiers of an
increasingly vibrant engagement between the United States and
India. Noting that Washington has already begun to perceive India
as a friend in the changing global strategic environment, the
U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Mr. Richard Armitage, has raised
visions of laying a fast track for intensified interactions
between the U.S., the oldest democracy, and India, the largest
democracy. The most significant aspect of the glimpses of new
possibilities in the U.S.-India relationship is that the Bush
administration will seek to refrain from being ``judgmental up
front'' about New Delhi. Openly outlining for the first time an
authoritative framework for the U.S.-India equation in the
present circumstances, Mr. Armitage has told this newspaper that
``we need to get beyond the post-98 sanctions'' that were imposed
on New Delhi in the context of its nuclear arms testing in that
year. It is not easy to imagine a snapshot of the state of the
Indo-U.S. relationship in the context of a total removal of
sanctions. Yet, Mr. Armitage deserves praise for broadly
visualising the big picture of the future in answering the
fundamental questions about New Delhi's place in the Bush
administration's world view. He is looking at the goal of a
``sustainable'' and ``credible'' U.S.-India relationship that
will not induce New Delhi and Washington to lean on each other
for their own separate interactions with China and Pakistan.
By appearing to portray as still not clear what New Delhi openly
hinted at as a firm inclination to support Washington's current
plans for a controversial missile defence system, Mr. Armitage
may be going by his own conversations with the Vajpayee
administration in this regard. For good measure, these
``consultations'' have indeed been elevated to the status of a
dialogue between ``one great power'' and ``another''. If India
has not really endorsed the grand design of a proposed missile
defence system, it is now clear that New Delhi has recognised the
need for such a new strategic framework with worldwide
implications. Mr. Armitage is pleased that India is not only
receptive to the Bush administration's ideas on ``counter-
proliferation'' but also keen to welcome Washington's move to
reduce its offensive nuclear arsenal as might be considered
necessary. On non-proliferation, the other aspect of a four-
dimensional strategic order being envisioned by Washington now,
Mr. Armitage does not mince words about America's diplomatic
challenge of not casting aside the treaties, which have found a
large international acceptance, while seeking to assess India's
strategic expectations in this connection. For the present, the
U.S. does not seem to have calibrated how India should be treated
over the so-called benchmarks of such treaties regarding nuclear
weapons. However, the unambiguous U.S. message is that a regime
of American incentives and disincentives in this sphere could be
jettisoned in respect of India.
The present dynamics of the U.S.-India security dialogue, replete
with profound strategic concerns, mark a subtle shift from the
bilateral consultations during the final months of the previous
Clinton administration. The old linkage between New Delhi's non-
proliferation behaviour and the India-oriented U.S. sanctions of
1998 is now fast disappearing. Mr. Armitage is looking to a
future beyond these sanctions. While this may not be indicative
at this stage of any possibility of a definitive U.S.-India
strategic bond, Washington says it has no intention of breathing
down India's neck in regional diplomacy. It is a sign of realism
that Washington is ``not going to get in the middle of (the
Kashmir dispute)''. Moreover, while the U.S. wants to fashion a
new equation with Pakistan unrelated to any regional or global
strategic considerations unlike in the past, Washington is also
keen to avoid viewing India as a potentially countervailing
frontline state against China. It is for India to make the most
of its strategic autonomy.
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Section : Opinion Next : No way but to negotiate | |
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