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Agenda for peace in Kashmir
THE PROPOSED talks between Gen. Musharraf and Mr. Vajpayee,
besides being crucial, are in a way a big gamble. Talks on such a
sensitive issue at subordinate levels can use the leverage of
consulting their respective governments when confronted with
unacceptable proposals, providing a convenient route of
withdrawal. No such luxury is available when the talks are held
at the highest decision-making levels, and the stakes are very
high. In case these talks fail, there is no other follow-up level
at which such talks can be undertaken, at least for sometime. If
Gen. Musharraf is handicapped by the lack of a democratic mandate
of his people (and there is always a question mark about
acceptability of decisions arrived at by future Pakistan
Governments), Mr. Vajpayee's freedom of action is restricted by
the ``unanimous Parliament resolution of 1994'' which considers
the entire undivided J&K as part of India. There will be pressure
on both leaders to show some ``success'' after the talks,
difficult considering the intractable position officially
maintained by both the sides. It should absolutely be clear to
any trained military mind on either side of the border, that to
wrest that portion of J&K which is with the opponent is
militarily not viable, given the modern trend not to allow
conflicts to escalate into prolonged full-scale wars, and the
existing ``nuclear power'' status of India and Pakistan.
How should the talks then be structured, given the known stand of
Pakistan on this issue? Suppose we analyse possible solutions to
the Kashmir problem into various categories of acceptance, such
as (a) complete (fully satisfactory) solution (b) acceptable
solution, after give and take from both sides (c) minimum
acceptable, the ``bottom line'' solution (d) totally unacceptable
solution under any circumstances. It will be prudent to examine
the implications of each of the above options to crystallise our
thoughts, and to develop a broad consensus - both political and
national. It will be essential to create, in advance, necessary
``public awareness/opinion'' for peaceful acceptance of the
solution finally arrived at after negotiations, to avoid the kind
of genocide witnessed during the partition of the country! There
will inevitably be charges of ``sellout/surrender'' raised on
both sides, which will have to be handled with tact, maturity and
firmness by the ``leadership'' in both the countries!
Complete solution
Both India and Pakistan see the merger of undivided J&K with
them, as the complete solution. In 1994, Indian Parliament had
unanimously adopted a resolution reiterating, ``all of Kashmir,
including the region beyond the Line of Control (LoC), now
occupied by Pakistan, is an integral part of India''. We have
often said that Kashmir is an integral part of India, and the
only thing to be resolved is the Pak-occupied Kashmir (PoK). The
fulfilment of this ``unanimous'' Parliament resolution will mean
a full scale long-drawn-out war, as Pakistan cannot be expected
to voluntarily part with the territory. The ``nuclear
capability'' should be a critical factor to consider, before
either country considers war option! Suppose we do succeed in
getting PoK, are we ready to deal with about two million hostile
Muslim population, who will have no loyalty to India? Instead of
solving the problem, as it exists today, will we not face a steep
escalation of the problem assuming unmanageable dimensions? We
should not forget that the Armed Forces, who are to win this
territory in war, did give the benefit of negotiating from a
position of strength, both in 1948 and in 1971 with decisive
military victories, which were not exploited for whatever reasons
by the political leadership on both occasions. Can anyone
guarantee that it will be different after a military victory this
time? Are we then serious about this ``unanimous Parliament
resolution'', or paying only lip service by keeping this
``resolution'' alive, and for whose benefit? Such an ``ideal
solution'', considering the ground reality, may not only be
impractical but also undesirable!
From the Pakistani perspective too, this option is least likely.
Given Pakistan's inability to change the status quo by force in
1965, 1971, and Kargil wars, the world community's reluctance to
pressure India to settle the issue to Pakistan's satisfaction,
and the Kashmiri people's (not militants') own quiescence, and
considering that in the last 20 years the balance of military
capability has shifted heavily in India's favour, any further
attempt by Pakistan to take Kashmir by force would be disastrous
to the very existence of Pakistan as a nation!
Keeping LoC as base
Keeping the LoC (which has practically served as the
International Border since 1971) as the base, India and Pakistan
can negotiate and settle for a process of fresh delineation of
the borders with adjustments. Each considers some areas/features
of strategic/tactical importance as vital for its security, which
can be negotiated and agreed upon by senior military commanders
from both sides, as was done after the 1971 war.
From the Pakistani perspective, wisdom should dawn on them that
the Jammu and Ladakh constituents of J&K would never be willing
to join Pakistan and hence all that Pakistan is fighting for is
the relatively small territory of the Valley, dominated by
Muslims, for which it is paying a heavy price in diplomatic
isolation, and the threat of being perceived as a nation aiding
and abetting terrorism. Pakistan's strategy that the ``fatigue
factor'' caused by terrorism/insurgency, sponsored by it in J&K,
will drive India out of Kashmir is indeed fallacious!
`Bottom line' solution
For a long time now, India seems to have reconciled to the
existing ground reality of the divided Kashmir, and the
delineated LoC! Her acceptance of the LoC despite being in a most
advantageous bargaining position after the decisive military
victory in the 1971 war with 92,000 prisoners, the return of
captured PoK territory after past wars, the self-imposed
restraint not to cross the LoC during Kargil war, and
construction of border fence in J&K along LoC (similar to border
fencing along the International Border in Punjab) are clear
indications of our thinking on this issue. India's occasional
claim to PoK appears to be essentially a talking point, and may
well be used as a bargaining chip for getting a fair deal in any
ultimate settlement of the issue. Hence for India, conversion of
the LoC into International Border (IB) should be the minimum
acceptable ``bottom line'' solution!
From the Pakistani perspective, this may be resisted as there is
nothing more to gain in terms of territory in Kashmir, after all
the struggle and the heavy ``investment'' made so far. Pakistan
fails to see the changed circumstances and the existing ground
reality as was evident during the Kargil conflict, when not only
the U.S. but even China, Pakistan's ``all weather ally'', advised
Pakistan to withdraw behind the LoC. Pakistan will harp on the
Security Council resolutions on Kashmir but should be made to see
the ground reality that the last such resolution was adopted in
the U.N. 44 years ago in 1957, and has not been admitted since
then.
Pakistan may well attempt to play her trump card ``self-
determination for the people of Kashmir'', self-determination
restricted to opting for India or Pakistan, ruling out an
independent option for undivided J&K. For the sake of argument if
the independence for Kashmir became an option to be discussed,
would Pakistan place its part of Kashmir, including Gilgit and
Baltistan (parts of J&K merged into Pakistan despite an adverse
ruling of their Supreme Court) and 5,180 sq. km. ceded to China,
as negotiable item on the conference table? It is highly
unlikely, and the APHC, and other Kashmir parties should realise
that it would only be a matter of time before an ``independent
J&K'' is annexed by Pakistan. Pakistan has recently stated that
an independent J&K is not part of the U.N. resolution! The
external ``Jehadi'' forces fighting in J&K are interested not
only in expelling India from Kashmir but also in ``Islamising''
its people, on the Taliban model, regardless of whether or not
they desire it! It is highly unlikely that the APHC, and other
parties have not given a thought to all these aspects, and if
their aim, hidden or otherwise, is to merge with Pakistan, then
where is the need in wasting time in ``talks'' with them? We may
as well directly talk to Pakistan!
Unacceptable
It is not clear whether Pakistan wants the plebiscite in the
entire undivided J&K, or the Indian J&K! Pakistan is confident
that a plebiscite in undivided J&K would guarantee the merger of
the entire state into Pakistan, with its Muslim majority in PoK
offsetting the Jammu and Ladakhi dissent votes. In the Indian
J&K, the Hindu citizens have been driven out of the State by Pak-
sponsored terrorism, and are scattered all over India (and
abroad) as refugees, and Ladakh is sparsely populated, as against
the Muslim domination in the Valley. Unlike Pakistan, the Indian
government(s) did not annex parts of disputed J&K, or permit
Indians from other parts to migrate into J&K! Hence a plebiscite
will be a fraud on our people in J&K. Besides, a prerequisite for
plebiscite is the total vacation of Pakistan from PoK, a
condition Pakistan has not implemented till date!
The one prerequisite for any agreement should be to insist on
ending all forms of cross-border terrorism, indulged in by
Pakistan.If it refuses to stop assistance to ``Jehadi'' forces,
Pakistan will be admitting to waging a proxy war against India in
Kashmir and elsewhere! On the other hand, if Pakistan pleads
inability to control the Jehadis, it will in effect be saying
that it has no chips with which to bargain, and therefore no
place at the negotiating table. Some observers in Pakistan feel
that if the government of Pakistan moved to restrain the Jehadis,
they would turn their guns against their mentors, and plunge
Pakistan into a civil war. Their goal is to ``Islamise'' people
and places, according to their own version of Islam, and if
Pakistan stands in their way, they would not be loath to remove
it. If true, the menace of cross-border terrorism may well
continue in our territory even after Kashmir problem is resolved,
as a means of employment for these forces. Since Pakistan will
never get the entire Indian J&K, it may well use the excuse that
the ``solution'' arrived at does not meet the legitimate
aspirations of the people of Kashmir. This is a problem created,
nurtured, and therefore to be solved by Pakistan. It will be
prudent for Pakistan sooner than later, to find a way of
controlling the Jehadis and other fundamentalist groups if it is
to preserve itself from further disintegration as a nation!
Brig. (Retd.) V.R.P. SARATHY
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