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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Friday, June 29, 2001 |
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Censorship of foreign ideas
By Rajeev Dhavan
CENSORSHIP OF the flow of ideas from and into India is not new.
Two years ago, the Union of India pressured the World Commission
on Dams not to hold its meetings in the Narmada Valley. The flow
of written and audio-visual material is regulated by the Customs
Act. Most of the customs bans are political, insidious or plainly
ridiculous. Why Nehru's photograph in imperial robes on horseback
was prohibited from export defeats ingenuity? Book bans are well
known. The ban on Salman Rushdie ``Satanic Verses'', without
giving him or his reader a chance to be heard, set off a chain
reaction throughout the world. Bans by vicious demonstration are
on the increase. Deepa Mehta has suffered humiliation by ``fire''
and ``water''. The latest in this genre of ``hooligan''
censorship is the violent picketing of the film ``Gadar''. Indian
society has to re-work its attitude to ``hate speech''. The free
expression of ideas does not come to an end simply because some
disgruntled person, group or, for that matter political party or
Government, may not like it. Unfortunately, many of the incidents
of social censorship are fanned by an irresponsibly politically
motivated fundamentalism. But censorship does not take place by
the direct imposition of bans but by various subtle methods. Till
the 1990s, the Government had dominant control of the electronic
media. Now, all that has changed. But, the present Government and
its mob support want to control the processes of the creation of
ideas as well as their exchange and circulation. The success of
the Ramayana and Mahabharata serials has emboldened these
efforts. The plan to propagate certain kinds of courses and text
books exemplify the initiative to focus on the process and
content of thinking itself. This is animated by a professed
political glorification of a skewed version of the past; and
perforce a xenophobia about foreign ideas and the global market
place of ideas.
India runs the risk of becoming an intolerant and closed society
in which the free exchange of ideas is inhibited by excessive
Government regulation; and, perforce, mobs. The latest in this
run of intolerance is the Office Memorandum of the Ministry of
Home Affairs of September 1, 2000, which has only now surfaced
for focussed attention and implementation. This memorandum
declares ``revised guidelines'' concerning security clearance for
holding international conferences, workshops, etc., in India.
``Guidelines'' are menacing declarations of policy not unknown to
the law - no less for their ambiguous legal status. If addressed
to officials, they are simply ``standards'' which have to be
taken into account. But, if beneficial and addressed to the
public, they may even create legitimate expectations for persons
who act on the promises contained in them. But, regulatory
guidelines - especially those laying tough policies - revel in
the ambiguity of their status. No doubt, the powers to make
orders under the Foreigners Act, 1946, widely cover ``mak(ing)
provision either generally or with respect to all foreigners or
with respect of any particular foreigner or any prescribed class
of description of foreigner for prohibiting, regulating, or
restricting entry of foreigners into India or their departure...
or their presence continued presence...''. But, a ``guideline''
evades accountability. It is not an `order' under the Act, but it
is not also purely recommendatory. Such guidelines are the bane
of administrative law. If they are non-statutory, the Punjab Text
Book case (1955) declares that they cannot affect peoples' rights
generally, including their fundamental rights. If they are
statutory, they are neither fish nor fowl - but no less menacing
in their intent or effect. A bold university to whom these orders
are addressed may well turn round to remonstrate that they are
illegal, cannot affect peoples' rights and are contrary to the
Act and the Constitution.
But, the order itself revels in incongruities. It covers
clearances for ``conferences, seminars, workshops, etc., in the
country.'' There is a sting to the ``etc.'' which could be taken
to mean any and everything. The ``guidelines'' are broadly
divided into (A) conferences that do not require prior clearance
and (B and C) those that do. Category A includes those
conferences organised by the Union and State Governments, public
sector undertakings and organisations owned and controlled by
these Governments and U.N. agencies. But, Category A also
excludes from prior permission conferences ``organised by NGOs
with or without the official sponsorship'' of any Union or State
Ministry. But, this is curious. Who remains if we exclude NGOs
and the Government? What are left are intellectuals,
universities, research institutes not controlled by the
Government, the media, commercial organisations and federations
including chambers of commerce. This exclusion list is strange. A
self-styled NGO can invite scholars in exchange, but not non-
state universities, autonomous colleges and others. Prior
clearance is directed against exchanges by the academy,
universities, intellectuals, scholars and business groups - if
not NGOs. These are the very people who should be trusted with
the exchange of people unless we live in a ``Macarthy'' era in
which such minds are targeted for harassment.
The Memorandum gets worse. Categories B and C mandate prior
clearance for conferences on political, semi-political, communal
or religious related subjects, matters having a ``bearing on
external relations'' or on areas covered under protected,
restricted, inner line regimes, and all matters related to human
rights. What is left? Apart from areas of pure science, these
categories cover virtually everything; and, certainly the most
important matters which merit exchange.
But, the Memorandum goes further to include an ``anti-
neighbourhood country'' clause. Prior approval is needed to
confer with any participant from Afghanistan, China, Pakistan,
Sri Lanka or Bangladesh irrespective of the subject matter of the
exchange. This is a blanket control. People can be invited from
anywhere in the world from Japan to Hawai but not our neighbours.
Every academic or person from these countries would have to be
vetted. These are not simple visa provisions. Visas may be denied
for disclosed or undisclosed reasons. These measures are purely
and simply exercises in pre-censorship. They are intended to
prevent the free flow of ideas. A new license-raj of conference
by license and exchange of only permitted and approved ideas has
been created.
All this is an attempt by Mr. L. K. Advani's Home Ministry to
call the shots and exercise control and pressure over those who
are critical of his party's policies. It will result in a direct
and inevitable control over a large number of Indian and foreign
scholars. But, this Memorandum is also an exercise in espionage.
Prior permission will enable the Home Ministry to amass a list of
``foreign'' scholars and others who have contacts with Indian
counterparts. This will enable the Home Office to create a
profile of who knows what, whom and why? Those who apply for
`foreign participants' will themselves be under scrutiny. The
``foreign'' participants invited will run the risk of the
humiliation of refusal and then enter a ``black book'' of
suspects and undesirables. The ``anti- neighbourhood'' clause
will only create bitterness.
But, all this may be part of the Home Office's plan to increase
its hegemony. Recently, many mindless decisions have been taken
in respect of refugees and people from Afghanistan, West Asia and
Muslim Africa. For example, the recent statement to strongly
implement the Foreigners (Report to Police) Order, 1971, required
Indians to report the presence of any foreigner anywhere on pain
of possibly five years imprisonment. This has been temporarily
put in abeyance. But, it reveals the mind of a Ministry to harass
foreigners and those who know foreigners.
The end result of the Home Ministry's policies and posture is to
create a censorship of ideas, people and relationships to harass
the very people who are deeply concerned about India and the
world.
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