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India, Nepal discuss road map for stability
By Atul Aneja
NEW DELHI, AUG. 8. Concerned about the Maoist insurgency in the
mountains and the simmering discontent in the plains of the
Terai, India and Nepal are defining new ground rules that would
encourage stability in the sensitive Himalayan kingdom.
Troubled by the Maoist insurgency, which has its epicentre in the
northern highland districts, the Nepalese Government is groping
for ways to address this challenge. Aware of India's influence in
Nepal, New Delhi and Kathmandu have discussed the fall-out of the
Maoist insurgency on their security. The developments in the
flatlands of the Terai and its implications on the insurgency in
the North-East have also recently come up for talks, during the
visit to India of the Nepalese Vice-Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen.
Pyar Jung Thapa.
India and Nepal realise that there is a glaring dissimilarity in
the combat role of the two armies. Unlike the Indian Army, the
Nepalese Army is geared mainly for internal security duties as it
does not perceive a security threat from any of its neighbours.
Consequently, the Nepalese Army, in terms of combat demands has
more in common with the Indian paramilitary forces than with the
Army. Not surprisingly, tie-ups between the Nepalese Army and the
paramilitary forces in the future could increase.
India, however, according to the 1950 Indo-Nepal treaty, has a
role in providing military equipment for the Nepalese forces.
Given its existing security challenge, Nepal is keen to acquire
modern infantry weapons from India. These include rifles,
grenades, night vision devises and radio sets for communication.
The aviation fleet of the Nepalese Army may also have to be
beefed up, especially with more light transport helicopters, such
as the Chetak and the Cheetah which are produced in India.
Despite the larger implications of instability in Nepal, India
has ruled out any possibility of getting physically drawn into
Nepal's internal strife. The developments in the Terai are also
of considerable concern to both sides. India is keen that Nepal
does not push ahead with rules which would deny citizenship
rights to hundreds of ethnic Indians in the Terai belt. Since
several Nepalese of Indian descent have relatives as well as
economic linkages in the Indo-Gangetic belt, any such move is
likely to generate a negative fall-out on the politics of Bihar
and Uttar Pradesh. The Government is keen to avoid a political
backlash, especially as the crucial Assembly elections in Uttar
Pradesh are not far away.
India also wants that the use of the Terai region for funneling
arms to the North-East insurgents is contained. As of now, arms
are sent mainly thought the Siliguri corridor - the narrow link
which connects the North-East with the rest of the country. Once
weapons cross into India, they can be channelised northwards
towards Bhutan and Sikkim or southwards along the Barak valley
towards Silchar, Manipur and Nagaland.
There are apprehensions in Government circles that a spurt in
anti-India activities from the Terai belt is likely. Growing
communalisation in the area which can be traced to the demolition
of the Babri Masjid is already encouraging this. The Vishwa Hindu
Sangh (VHS), Islamic Yuva Sangh (IYS) and the Muslim Ekta Sangh
(MES) which have a perceptible presence in the Terai belt,
especially in the Nepalgunj area, have all contributed to
deepening the communal divide. The IYS reportedly has links with
the Benori mosque and the Haqqani school of thought in Pakistan.
Aware of this polarisation, Pakistani intelligence has acquired a
foot-hold in the Terai to exploit the situation, Government
sources say. Some of the ``genuine'' commercial establishments in
the Terai which are headquartered in Pakistan have been
penetrated by the ISI. Pakistani textile firms in the Terai
include Silver-fiber textiles, Vivid textiles and Pantech
textiles.
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