Dismal dividends

INDIA'S REFUSAL TO jettison an ill-advised and ill-timed hardline stance and its continuing disinclination to engage Pakistan bilaterally has once again handed the propaganda advantage to Gen. Pervez Musharraf, has freshly underlined the strong potential for outside interference in the South Asian region and has ensured that the Prime Minister returns empty-handed from his marathon three-nation voyage. As Gen. Musharraf cashes in on his new-found legitimacy as a lead partner in the global coalition against terror, India's patent over-dependence on Washington and its consequential parallel rejection of enlightened bilateralism vis-a-vis Pakistan stands exposed and discredited. Having failed to secure an endorsement from the U.S., Mr. Vajpayee must now be ready to pay the price for that failure. The price comes in two parts, listed out in the joint statement released at the end of Gen. Musharraf's talks with the American President, Mr. George Bush, in New York. The first is a direct response to India's recent diplomacy which relied heavily and exclusively on Washington to pressure Pakistan to stop cross-border terrorism. Of course, the call to return to the dialogue process and the offer to mediate on the Kashmir issue indicated no departure from past policy and were, besides, couched in phrases that would cause no offence in New Delhi. The second part was the reference to the ``wishes of the people of Kashmir'' in a way reflecting the Vajpayee Government's failure to initiate a genuine political process in the State to address the grievances of the people. This was standard terminology but its use in the present context cannot be underestimated.

Gen. Musharraf, for a brief while on the centre of the world stage, will know that Washington's effusive praise for him stems from its understanding of the existentialist problems he is facing at home and his need for such public demonstration of support from the U.S and its allies. What must worry New Delhi is the developing post-Taliban scenario. After more than enthusiastically offering to join the coalition against terror, India has found itself on the sidelines. Mr. Vajpayee received vague promises in Moscow and Washington of a role in the reconstruction and rebuilding of Afghanistan. But till its bilateral relations with the nations in the region return to normal, New Delhi's voice will continue to lack credibility and remain unheard.

The ``please-all'' formulations in the joint statements issued after the visits of the South Asian leaders to the U.S mark the arrival of Mr. Bush the multilateralist by accident. The administration has in the end apparently done the tightrope walk quite successfully. As the subcontinent's own peculiar problems recede from Washington's radar, the United Nations offered some very relevant, contemporary lessons for India and others. Clearly perceivable from the speeches during the debate in the General Assembly was the reluctance of members to arrive at a consensus view on what constitutes terrorism. It is clear that the readiness of many nations to distinguish between terrorists and freedom fighters depends largely on the type of threat they face. All nations unanimously opposed terrorism and wanted it rooted out wherever it was. But when it came to identifying terrorism, differences cropped up. While Gen. Musharraf expressly spoke of the militants in Kashmir as freedom fighters, representatives from Iran, the Gulf states and South Africa showed a lack of unanimity. As the most destructive of modern weapons were targeting one of the most deprived of nations in Asia, there remained the danger that the international community will be found wanting in arriving at a consensus that can prevent a recurrence of the September 11 tragedy and its continuing aftermath.

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Section  : Opinion
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