Opinion - Editorials

New concerns of trust and truce

AN ELABORATE EXERCISE is now under way in Sri Lanka at evolving a durable `ceasefire' between the Government and the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). However, it will be entirely out of sync with reality to foresee at this stage any dramatic dawn of a new era of tolerant coexistence and peace-promotive cooperation between the two adversaries. An agreement between them, brokered by Norway in its capacity as the acknowledged facilitator, has been signed by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, and the LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabakaran, without the two being able and willing to meet for this common purpose. In fact, the controversial political circumstances of this event suggest the need for utmost caution rather than any celebration of hopes that the prolonged ethnic conflict may now become manageable and amenable to a quick political solution. At a glance, the latest document does of course cover issues ranging from the modalities of the `truce' itself to a procedure for monitoring it and the gradual restoration of normality as also some confidence-building measures to advance the overall objective. As a matter of logistical niceties, the accord actually consists of two separate letters addressed to the Norwegian Foreign Minister from the Sri Lankan Prime Minister and the LTTE chief. The agreement is seen by them as a device to stabilise an existing `truce' of sorts between the two Sri Lankan parties and to render it more meaningful over a longer but unspecified timeframe. A commitment by Colombo and the LTTE to search for a negotiated settlement, in the specific context of the `ceasefire', is the icing on the cake, as the parties (including the facilitator) seem eager to portray.

Viewed in this perspective, the necessary cautionary note has nothing very much to do with the question whether or not the proverbial devil is in the details of this new accord between Colombo and the LTTE. It is also evident that considerable spadework has been done to raise a `structure' for the intended truce verification and for the purposes of creating normality in the conflict-hit areas (virtually the entire territory of Sri Lanka). Both the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE have also clearly sought to safeguard their flanks even while being sufficiently conciliatory for each other's comfort at this stage. Given the magnitude of this externally-facilitated project which has been explicitly consented to by both Colombo and the LTTE, the latest `truce' is intrinsically different from any previous experiments at accommodation between these two Sri Lankan entities. Yet, the fact remains that the success or failure of this new endeavour will depend on how the LTTE and Colombo can, if at all, bridge their fundamental differences in an atmosphere of trust. There is no sign yet that the notoriously terroristic LTTE might be willing to give up its dream of a separate fascist state.

More immediately, the new agreement has caused a political rupture within the Sri Lankan establishment. The country's executive President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, feels frustrated and alienated by the manner in which the Prime Minister is said to have taken this proactive initiative without duly consulting her. The President's objections relate to the specifics of some unidentified provisions of the present accord. Ms. Kumaratunga can certainly boast of a track record of espousing the cause of Sri Lanka's minority Tamils and Muslims in a refreshingly courageous and visionary manner. Now, the question in this regard is not how Mr. Wickremesinghe can dissipate the President's reported political anger. The Prime Minister must not only take the President into confidence but he should also be seen to do so instead of appearing to regard her as a spent political force. Norway, too, should take abundant care to ensure that it does not cause fissures within the Sri Lankan establishment while facilitating its access to the LTTE. The road ahead can be quite tricky.

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