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Towards a common understanding

INDIA, PAKISTAN AND the U.S. administration appear to be moving towards a common understanding of the elements that constitute the phenomenon of cross-border terrorism in the current context. The outlines of this common understanding were brought out (albeit in a semantically negative form) by the U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, who said while in Islamabad that no one, either there or in India, "thinks that the Pakistan Government is solely responsible for the infiltration". The Minister for External Affairs, Yashwant Sinha, had implied as much in the remarks he made in Kathmandu to the effect that the Pakistan Government should acknowledge the limits of its ability to prevent the exfiltration of terrorists from its side of the LoC. Prior to that, Pakistan's President, Pervez Musharraf, too had said on record that while cross-border movement might still be taking place this was without the support, encouragement or permission of his Government. All said, New Delhi now appears to have taken on board the perspective that terrorism emanating from the Pakistan side of the LoC is not solely a state-sponsored affair. While it is absolutely necessary that Pakistan, or any other state for that matter, be made to end official sponsorship of terrorism, it is also important to factor in the recognition that terrorism as a phenomenon has a multi-faceted nature and diverse origins.

India's current readiness to look at terrorism in its broader aspects, and not solely as a state-sponsored affair, opens the avenue for the deployment of more creative mechanisms to deal with the phenomenon. While Pakistan has tended to regard Mr. Sinha's proposal for joint patrolling of the LoC as premature, it was noteworthy that Pakistan's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Inam-ul-Haq did not reject it outright and instead indicated a preparedness to consider it if certain conditions were met. From Mr. Haq's presentation, it was clear that Pakistan has not abandoned its position that a reduction of tension and the commencement of a dialogue must necessarily form the next stage in the interaction between the two countries. It is also highly probable that even in the course of this particular exchange of views both countries were trying to outmanoeuvre each other and that they will continue to do so. Therefore, the hope that they will not miss out on opportunities to arrive at a common understanding and devise a common approach must remain tentative for the moment.

Even so, the current preparedness to take a more positive approach towards Pakistan makes for a welcome contrast to an attitude more in evidence till recently wherein the main policy goal appeared to be that of establishing Islamabad's guilt for crimes committed rather than that of finding solutions to problems. This shift in emphasis on the nuances has not occurred without a sense of dissonance since a tendency within the Indian foreign policy establishment has hinted at its disappointment that Mr. Armitage would not convey a stronger message to Islamabad. However, a more realistic assessment would be that the U.S. administration can, or is willing, to pressure Islamabad only to a limited extent especially in a context where Washington requires Pakistan's assistance in the fight against the remnants of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. The approach taken thus far of relying on Washington to press India's demands on and derive promises from Pakistan has clearly run its course. A revival of the bilateral route to resolving the outstanding disputes between India and Pakistan can, realistically speaking, occur only after the elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly have been got over with. However, the revival of the bilateral dialogue is not only intrinsically necessary but it will also ensure that initiatives for peace originate from within the subcontinent.

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