Tuesday, Sep 10, 2002
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By Amit Baruah
After the Clinton administration began a process of engagement with India (ironically after the May 1998 nuclear tests conducted by New Delhi), Mr. Bush imparted a new vigour to the relationship. Mr. Vajpayee, who arrived in Frankfurt from New Delhi this evening, will find a sombre mood in New York, one of mourning and the inward focus on the anniversary of the worst-ever terrorist attack on the U.S. Mr. Vajpayee will also find an Iraq-centric focus as the U.S. moves ahead in efforts to depose Saddam Hussein. U.S. officials have said many times that relations with India are not a `zero sum' game. Even if one were to concede the point, the fact remains that the American ``strategic partnership'' with Pakistan after September 11 has re-defined India's growing engagement with Washington. From the time that the then U.S. President, Bill Clinton, refused to shake hands with the Pakistan ``military dictator'', Pervez Musharraf, the wheel has come full circle for Islamabad-Washington ties. Today, the General is feted and congratulated and is seen as a ``stalwart ally'' in the American war against terrorism. Such a formulation is particularly irritating for India because it does not recognise the fact that the Pakistan state continues to export terror and terrorists to India. American officials, while recognising India's concerns, have told their Indian interlocutors that they cannot push Gen. Musharraf beyond a point; that he remains their best bet as they take on Al-Qaeda and Taliban elements together. India, for its part, has said that it will not let relations with a third country define ties with the U.S. But, while this sounds all right in principle, the fact remains that Islamabad is influencing the course of Indo-U.S. relations. Mr. Vajpayee, who was in the U.S. for bilateral visits in September 2000 and November 2001, will recall the kind of immediate support his Government extended to Mr. Bush's plans for the National Missile Defence. Today, India is speaking out against American plans to attack Iraq; it has relations with Iran — a country which Mr. Bush believes is part of the ``axis of evil'' — a formulation which finds little favour with New Delhi. India seems to have come round to the belated recognition that while developing relations with the U.S. is all-crucial in this single pole world, the traditional positions taken by foreign policy-makers do have some merit. And, in recent weeks, Indian spokespersons have been coming out and saying what they feel, say, on Iraq. It's a far cry from India's uncritical support to Mr. Bush and his plans on missile defence. New Delhi is also peeved at the American position on Israeli weapons sales to India. Though the matter is still between the Israelis and the Americans, there is little doubt that the Pakistani calculus of ``regional stability'' in South Asia is playing a role in Washington's reluctance to say ``yes'' to Israeli weapons sales. Here, India is closely watching the positions being taken by the U.S. State Department and the Pentagon. Clearly, India cannot play the kind of role that Pakistan plays under Gen. Musharraf to hand over Abu Zubaidah, said to be number three in the Al-Qaeda hierarchy, to Washington. It is not as if India did not try and help. After the offers to use Indian facilities after September 11, the Indian Navy began the job of escorting U.S. ships through the pirate-infested Straits of Malacca in South-East Asia. It was a statement that India was willing to go all the way in cooperating with the U.S. even when the Americans could have done the job themselves. India wants to know that if the U.S. war against terrorism is truly universal, then why is the General not being asked to do more? In their perception, the Americans believe that they are coaxing Gen. Musharraf in the right direction — towards a more moderate Pakistan. But New Delhi's problem is that it wants immediate, tangible results on the ground. While there seems to be some improvement in the law and order scenario in Jammu and Kashmir, a couple of high-profile attacks could change the complexion once again. When Mr. Vajpayee meets Mr. Bush, will there be something new on offer for India and the U.S.? Or, will it be more of the same?
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