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By V.S. Sambandan
COLOMBO. NOV. 19. Despite the scheduled presence of the U.S. and the U.K. at this month's donor's conference in Oslo, the Indian position continues to be keenly watched by the island's major political parties. The political reactions to the present Indian position are along predictable lines. While the Government is keen on an Indian presence, the Opposition has said that it was "sympathetic" to the Indian stand that it was "unlikely" to send a delegation to the Oslo conclave, organised to raise international financial backing for the ongoing peace process between Colombo and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The issue is not merely whether a delegation from Delhi will participate in the Oslo event but what any Indian decision would mean in the continuum of the Indian policy in the emerging conflict resolution scenario. The LTTE's presence in Oslo cuts both ways for the Sri Lankan Government. Though a signal that the Tigers are now onboard the peace train, that makes it tough for Colombo to convince New Delhi to share a table with the Tigers_ banned in India since May 14, 1992. The LTTE leader, V. Prabakaran, is wanted by the Indian courts to stand trial for the assassination of the former Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, who was killed by a suicide bomber on May 21, 1991. At least 1,155 Indian soldiers were killed in battles between the Indian Peace Keeping Forces and the LTTE between 1987 and 1990. One projected scenario is that the countries that banned the LTTE could "be present at the conclave, but still make a tough statement that the Tigers will be under constant scrutiny". However, "India's case is completely different", a political observer told The Hindu. "In the case of the U.S. or U.K, forget about any leader, they have not lost even a single citizen to the LTTE. But in India, a leader of world stature was killed". If there is an Indian participation, "the LTTE will like it", the political observer said. Any form of participation will mean "recognition" and "will be seen as an indirect signal, if not, of a lifting of the ban, at least the meaninglessness of it", he added. The LTTE factor, according to political analysts, is one side of the Indian dilemma. The Sri Lankan Government has not held back the endorsement it has got from the U.S, the U.K., Australia and Japan. "The high-powered nature and the political profile of the conference creates a dilemma for India", said Ketheswaran Loganathan of the Centre for Policy Analysis. "Some could argue that it is always useful to have a major power, which continues to exert pressure on the LTTE, and India could play that role" by staying away. However, given the sharply polarised opinion in Sri Lanka on the conflict, "there is grave danger that such a position will be utilised by those against the peace, such as the hawkish hardliners and the peace-spoilers in the south", he said. Emphasising that any decision by New Delhi will have a bearing on the negotiation process, D. Sithadthan, leader of the People's Liberation Organisation for Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) said, "until the ethnic conflict is settled, India will have to give the primacy of importance to the Tamil-Sinhala issue in its bilateral decisions." As far as his party _ which is not a part of the pro-LTTE political alliance _ was concerned, "India's involvement is a must" in the peace process. However, "when and how to enter it is entirely left to India's judgement", he said.
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