EYE-CATCHERS: AIADMK workers putting up flags and banners on the Cuddalore Road. — Photo: K.V. Srinivasan

CHENNAI : Now that the nominations have closed, the political parties and their candidates are busy giving finishing touches to their campaign at the constituency level. It is one thing to organise meetings, rallies, personal campaigns and getting top leaders or film personalities to provide star attraction.

But the problem lies elsewhere. Parties and candidates confess that the major challenge will be to get the registered voters to turn up on polling day and exercise their franchise. There appear to be two major snags in achieving this objective. The first may be the absence of a ''wave'' in this election, which has been described by many as a ''close and even contest.''

Summer vacation

The second and more serious concern relates to the timing of the poll — May 8, at the height of summer and in the midst of the vacation. How many of the voters are going to be in their constituency at that period of time and how can they be persuaded to turn up at the booths and cast their votes?

Campaign managers and pollsters have estimated that between 20 and 30 per cent of the voters remain ''undecided'' at this point of time. It may not be clear whether they are undecided about which party or candidate to vote for, or whether to exercise their franchise at all. The success or failure of a particular party or candidate may depend on the turn out of voters on May 8. Political circles take the view that a high percentage of polling could have two vastly different effects — it can, in one extreme, favour the ruling party, or in the alternative ensure its complete rout. Especially when the odds are even, a large turn out on voting day could be a decisive factor.

Similarly, a moderate or low polling could indicate either a ''status quo'' in governance, or favour the front that has a larger cadre base or committed voter strength. The feeling among political parties seems to be that a lower turn out will favour the opposition Democratic Progressive Alliance, given its wider alliance and cadre strengths.

And, if a larger section of the undecided voters do come to the booths, the ruling party hopes to harness their support and return to power. As such, the strategists in both fronts are reported to be focusing on both sides of the coin - first to get all the committed voters to exercise their franchise early; and two, to win over the disinterested or undecided voter to weigh the options and choose their candidates.

Functionaries in both the DMK and the AIADMK claim that they have the cadre strength and experience to deal with this problem.

"Success lies in getting the booth committees in place, early enough. They know the individual voters and can prevail on them to favour our candidate. The booth committees have been our traditional strength,'' says a headquarters functionary of the ruling AIADMK. Similarly, the DMK's election office staff insist "Not just for our party, but for the whole alliance, we provide this back bone. We have experienced it before and will prevent it this time. When there are weak agents in the polling booths and local committees, the ruling party tends to buy them out. We are taking care to prevent this poaching,'' says a DMK office bearer. The consensus seems to be that the Congress may be the weak link in the chain.

As it has been allotted 48 constituencies this time, the party needs to build a strong booth committee in all these seats, without relying too much on the DMK.

Given the factionalism in the party and the absence of cadre-based activity during the non-election periods, this has remained a major problem for the Congress.

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