'Jehadi' outfits against Pak. supervision

ISLAMABAD, FEB. 11 The `Jehadi groups' operating against India and the U.S. both inside and from Pakistani territory are beginning to show that they can act independently of Pakistani intelligence agencies, which have promoted and fostered their development.

This is not to argue that these groups can operate in Kashmir without the support, training and logistical back-up of their Pakistani handlers. However, the `Jehadi' outfits like the Lashkar-i-Taiba and the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, which are almost 100 per cent Pakistani, have shown that they can act independently of their Pakistani masters as far as certain domestic issues are concerned.

In a sense, Pakistan has to deal with several Bhindranwale-type groups at the same time. Given the fact that these groups appreciate their growing muscle and power, they are not averse to warning even a military Government publicly that `no ban' on their activities will be tolerated.

A product of the `Bleed India Policy' of the Pakistan Army, these groups today feel they are strong enough to resist the diktat of the Pakistani Government. The Lashkar, for instance, has warned the Chief Executive, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, from any kind of proposed supervision of `Deeni Madrassas' or religious seminaries.

Of course, if the Musharraf Government wants it can crack down hard on these groups, follow the footsteps of the Egyptian Government. However, these `Jehadi' outfits serve important strategic interests of Pakistan, keeping the pot of violence boiling in Kashmir. And Kashmir, needless to say, is the centre of Pakistani domestic and foreign policy.

However, whatever be the pressures on the Government before a possible visit or stop-over by the U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton, these groups are unlikely to feel the heat from the Musharraf Government.

Many analysts argue that persons and groups who are prepared to die for `Jehad' will not appreciate any interference in their principal activity - that is fighting in Kashmir. In any case, there has been little evidence to show that Gen. Musharraf is keen on reducing the role of these groups.

In fact, the General has become the first Pakistani leader to proclaim that `Jehad is not terrorism' and that the theatre of `Jehad' has now shifted from Afghanistan to Kashmir. There is no real fetter on the military any more; it no longer has to fear any civilian check from saying what it wants.

However, what should concern the military Government is that these religious fundamentalists have their own agenda. With all political activity suspended in Pakistan, it is these groups, along with the Jamaat-i-Islami, who are filling the growing political vacuum. All the noise against the CTBT is being made by these sections.

Also, a group like the Harkat is closely associated with the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a known Sunni hardline outfit and its militant wing, the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi. In fact, some believe that these three groups are actually `one' and making a distinction between them is a cosmetic exercise. There is considerable `exchange' of cadres between these three outfits.

Interestingly, while the Harkat seems to have toned down its harsh anti-American stance for the moment, the SSP Chief, Azam Tariq, has warned Mr. Clinton against visiting Pakistan because the Americans were, in his view, the real killers of Muslims.

Azam Tariq has promised to supply cadres for the new militant outfit, Jaish-i-Muhammadi, floated by Masood Azhar, the erstwhile Harkat-ul-Mujahideen leader freed by India recently. This `sectarian' aspect to `jehad' is `disturbing' to some in Pakistan.

There is also a belief here that Masood Azhar has been picked up by Pakistani intelligence agencies not because of his anti- American statements, but because he is close to the SSP and the danger of introducing this `sectarian element' into the Kashmir `Jehad.'

The first real challenge to the symbiotic relationship between the `Jehadi groups' and the military Government can come if Gen. Musharraf moves to sign the CTBT, which is seen by them as an American conspiracy.

Given their strong anti-CTBT position, it would be interesting to see what these groups will do if the Musharraf Government does adhere to the CTBT, a step even the civilian Nawaz Sharif Government could not take despite support from the Opposition in Parliament.

In the long-term, these fundamentalist groups will seek to impose their version of Islam in Pakistan as well. It would appear that they are, at present, engaged in the task of strengthening themselves in collusion with fundamentalist sections of the establishment.

Western media reports paint a scary picture of the Pakistani Army as well, pointing to an alarming fundamentalist trend. Notwithstanding these reports, the fact remains that the Pakistan Army is united in its Kashmir policy of `Jehad' against India.

There can be little doubt that by fostering and promoting these groups, the Pakistani establishment is allowing them tremendous clout and influence. The fact that armed cadres strut around openly in principal cities of Pakistan is a sign of official acquiescence and support.

Pakistan is laying itself open to grave domestic challenges by promoting these `Jehadi' groups, whose anti-India agenda is blind and total. Creating Bhindranwales is relatively easy, controlling them is not.

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