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Opinion
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China and Taiwan
THE VERDICT IN the presidential election in Taiwan is an
undoubted setback for the Chinese leadership and for peace in the
region. If the two sides do not show restraint in their reaction,
the verdict has the potential to further heighten tensions across
the straits. The victory of the one candidate China wanted
defeated in the elections, Mr. Chen Shui-bian, is a challenge to
Beijing's long cherished one-China policy and it will demand
great tact and diplomacy to tackle this, not just relying on
hardline rhetoric as had flowed from the mainland in the run-up
to the election. In remarks after his week-end victory, Mr. Chen
has sounded conciliatory, promising to keep an open mind and
expressing a readiness to go to Beijing. But his initial platform
of independence had invited harsh words from China which will
watch his every move. There was every indication during the
session of the National People's Congress, the Chinese
Parliament, which preceded the Taiwan poll that the party
leadership was seriously worried about the impact of the verdict
and orchestrated its own campaign. The President, Mr. Jiang
Zemin, the Prime Minister, Mr. Zhu Rongji, and the army
leadership all deemed it necessary to warn of the doom that would
greet any Taiwanese move toward independence.
In the end, much as Beijing had feared, the Chinese Government's
first electioneering campaign has failed to gain its primary
objective. In the second Presidential elections in Taiwan, the
most conspicuous non-candidate was Beijing which issued repeated
warnings against support to candidates who stood for
independence. Four years ago, during the first such democratic
exercise, China had lobbed missiles across the waters separating
the two in an effort to prevent the victory of a pro-independence
candidate. This time, as the election date neared and the warning
notes from Beijing sounded ominous, fears were expressed that the
Chinese authorities may be planning more drastic measures if the
verdict threatened their goal of unification. While it is
doubtful if China contributed to the victory of Mr. Chen, it
certainly dominated the election. Mr. Chen had entered politics
as an advocate of independence for Taiwan, the island where the
forces of Chiang Kai-shek fled when Mao Zedong and his communists
seized control of the Chinese mainland in 1949. Chiang and later
his son imposed a harsh martial law regime and, with the support
of the U.S., continued the charade for decades that they
represented all of China. In the early Eighties, China offered
Taiwan ``peaceful reunification'' with a high degree of autonomy
under the now famous ``one country, two systems'' policy under
which Hong Kong and other territories have returned to the
mainland. The inheritors of Chiang's political legacy, who
continued to talk of the mainland merging with their territory,
footdragged and soon discovered the merits of the democratic
system which gave the Taiwanese the right to determine their
destiny. It was a ploy, much like the British Governor's in Hong
Kong.
China sees ``a splittist conspiracy'' in this and other moves, a
concerted effort to undermine the one-China policy accepted by
the international community. While Beijing says there is one
China and that Taiwan is a part of it, Taiwan says China is a
divided country ruled by two governments. Tensions rose after Mr.
Lee Teng-hui, the hawkish outgoing President, spoke of Taiwan and
the mainland having ``a special State-to-State relationship'',
clearly seeking sovereignty for the Taiwanese territory. Beijing
realises there cannot be a military solution, especially in the
context of the huge flow of Western arms into Taiwan. After its
sabre-rattling, it must hope that the U.S., the patron-in-chief
of the breakaway province, will persuade the island to give up
its ill-advised moves and reconcile itself to taking such
political steps that would pave the way for an eventual
reunification with China.
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