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Internal battles flare up in Iran

By Kesava Menon

MANAMA (BAHRAIN) MARCH 29. This was supposed to be the period of calm in Iran before the newly-elected Parliament begins its term and simmering tensions between conservatives and reformers flare up with full force. The battle lines in Parliament are still hazy and those already elected were expected to use this period to try and define the lines of division. Instead, the war of words, and of the ideas behind them, is already raging.

It was clear even before the last ballot was cast in the first round of voting on Feb. 18 that reform-minded politicians were going to obtain a clear majority of the seats in the Majlis. After the counting, it appeared that the main reformist bloc - either the Islamic Iran Participation Front on its own or in combination with the Society of Combatant Clerics - had got an absolute majority.

Since then, a very small number of seats won by the reformers has been whittled away by the conservative-dominated election supervision body which annulled the results. There was also a big unanswered question about whether the former President, Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, had actually won the last of the 30 seats in the Teheran constituency or whether he would have to face a second round.

At first, there was a declaration that Mr. Rafsanjani had got through but then a further re-count was ordered and nothing more has been heard on this issue, at least officially.

If Mr. Rafsanjani does get a seat in Parliament, as seems likely, an already confusing scenario could become more so. Confusion arises mainly because the ``reform'' label is very much a catch- all one. While it is easier to pinpoint the conservatives, those who are opposed to change are unambiguous. The reform group includes people who espouse all manner of ideas and visions albeit with the commonality that the current situation must change. Included among the reformers are those who favour speedier economic changes but slower social and political reforms, those who want the most drastic and instant political reforms, those who want political liberalisation but want the state to control the economy and just about every shade of opinion in between.

Such confusion arises because the Iranian system does not provide for the normal processes whereby parties nominate their candidates and then ask the voters to exercise their choice. Prospective candidates apply directly to the election supervising bodies, the Interior Ministry, in a lesser role and the Council of Guardians in the major, which determine who will be allowed to contest polls. Since the Council had knocked out some of the better-known reform candidates, the pro-change parties had to pick and choose from among those who were allowed to stand. A net result has been that some of those elected to Parliament have figured on the candidates list drawn up by more than one party.

With Mr. Rafsanjani being catapulted to Parliament, the confusion could become worse because he has the abilities to draw support from all corners of the House. His presence in the House will almost certainly mean that party lines will get blurred. Though the centre of political gravity will be pro- reform, this trend might not manifest completely if Mr. Rafsanjani is able to play his old games. For this reason, some of the reformers had tried to consolidate their strengths and mutually agree on a nominee for Speaker before Mr. Rafsanjani could get into his act.

Meanwhile, the battle between reformers and conservatives has already been joined. Incensed at the murderous attack on one of their main ideologues, Mr. Saeed Hajarian, the reform groups have been lashing out more and more openly at what they describe as conservative-cells in the security services which allegedly carry out such attacks.

So far, no one has been named but the reformers give the impression that they know exactly whom they are venting their rage at. There is a distinct possibility that the reformers will not show a great deal of leniency if control of Parliament is firmly in their hands.

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