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Internal battles flare up in Iran
By Kesava Menon
MANAMA (BAHRAIN) MARCH 29. This was supposed to be the period of
calm in Iran before the newly-elected Parliament begins its term
and simmering tensions between conservatives and reformers flare
up with full force. The battle lines in Parliament are still hazy
and those already elected were expected to use this period to try
and define the lines of division. Instead, the war of words, and
of the ideas behind them, is already raging.
It was clear even before the last ballot was cast in the first
round of voting on Feb. 18 that reform-minded politicians were
going to obtain a clear majority of the seats in the Majlis.
After the counting, it appeared that the main reformist bloc -
either the Islamic Iran Participation Front on its own or in
combination with the Society of Combatant Clerics - had got an
absolute majority.
Since then, a very small number of seats won by the reformers has
been whittled away by the conservative-dominated election
supervision body which annulled the results. There was also a big
unanswered question about whether the former President, Ayatollah
Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, had actually won the last of the 30
seats in the Teheran constituency or whether he would have to
face a second round.
At first, there was a declaration that Mr. Rafsanjani had got
through but then a further re-count was ordered and nothing more
has been heard on this issue, at least officially.
If Mr. Rafsanjani does get a seat in Parliament, as seems likely,
an already confusing scenario could become more so. Confusion
arises mainly because the ``reform'' label is very much a catch-
all one. While it is easier to pinpoint the conservatives, those
who are opposed to change are unambiguous. The reform group
includes people who espouse all manner of ideas and visions
albeit with the commonality that the current situation must
change. Included among the reformers are those who favour
speedier economic changes but slower social and political
reforms, those who want the most drastic and instant political
reforms, those who want political liberalisation but want the
state to control the economy and just about every shade of
opinion in between.
Such confusion arises because the Iranian system does not provide
for the normal processes whereby parties nominate their
candidates and then ask the voters to exercise their choice.
Prospective candidates apply directly to the election supervising
bodies, the Interior Ministry, in a lesser role and the Council
of Guardians in the major, which determine who will be allowed to
contest polls. Since the Council had knocked out some of the
better-known reform candidates, the pro-change parties had to
pick and choose from among those who were allowed to stand. A net
result has been that some of those elected to Parliament have
figured on the candidates list drawn up by more than one party.
With Mr. Rafsanjani being catapulted to Parliament, the confusion
could become worse because he has the abilities to draw support
from all corners of the House. His presence in the House will
almost certainly mean that party lines will get blurred. Though
the centre of political gravity will be pro- reform, this trend
might not manifest completely if Mr. Rafsanjani is able to play
his old games. For this reason, some of the reformers had tried
to consolidate their strengths and mutually agree on a nominee
for Speaker before Mr. Rafsanjani could get into his act.
Meanwhile, the battle between reformers and conservatives has
already been joined. Incensed at the murderous attack on one of
their main ideologues, Mr. Saeed Hajarian, the reform groups have
been lashing out more and more openly at what they describe as
conservative-cells in the security services which allegedly carry
out such attacks.
So far, no one has been named but the reformers give the
impression that they know exactly whom they are venting their
rage at. There is a distinct possibility that the reformers will
not show a great deal of leniency if control of Parliament is
firmly in their hands.
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