Towards peace in Nagaland

THE PEACE PROCESS in Nagaland has gained momentum with the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) announcing a ceasefire and expressing a desire to join the dialogue with the Government of India. Only last month, the process had received a setback with the arrest of Mr. Muivah, leader of the NSCN (I-M), in Thailand, for travelling with forged documents. The Issac-Muivah group had called a ceasefire in 1997 and entered into a halting dialogue with the Centre. Though some progress was being made, it was evident that Nagaland could not hope to achieve peace through any agreement with just one insurgent group. It was obvious that the Centre had to broad-base the talks and make the process more inclusive. That is the point the Chief Minister, Mr. S. C. Jamir, also made at his recent meeting with the Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, in Delhi. After all, the NSCN split because of the inevitable clash of personalities and egos about a decade ago. The groups may not be willing to sit together across the table to talk peace with the authorities. At least for a few initial rounds, the talks will have to be held separately to identify a common minimum programme or framework. It will be essential to bring the Nagaland National Council (NNC) also to the negotiating table at an early stage.

Most of the northeastern States have suffered insurgency and violence over the past few decades. The lack of development and the regional imbalances have contributed to this sorry state of affairs. Despite several packages of development announced by the Centre and the Northeast Council, nothing much has happened on the ground. Several studies have shown that leakage in the implementation of development and welfare schemes, because of rampant corruption, has denied people the basic necessities in life. Though a few Central public sector projects have been launched in some of these States, they are under constant security threat. Officials of these undertakings, mainly refineries, have been abducted for ransom and often killed in cold blood by some of the militant outfits. Because of repeated sabotage and bomb blasts, the Railways is unable to expand its operations in the region. Air travel, though subsidised, is still very costly. So transport and communications themselves have remained stumbling blocks. With unabated violence and threats, it has not been possible for the State Governments to take up projects which can provide some relief.

That is why a ceasefire becomes meaningful, especially if both sides are keen on getting on with a serious dialogue. If the Centre and the Nagaland Government initiate preliminary talks with the NSCN and the NNC, the Muivah faction can be persuaded to participate in the negotiations at an appropriate stage. It may take some time to secure the release of Mr. Muivah from Thailand. It must be remembered that the NSCN was born out of the NNC, which split in 1964 and the bifurcation of the NSCN came about in 1988 with the parting of ways between Mr. Muivah and Mr. S. S. Khaplang. Before getting on to the substantive issues, the Government must ascertain and make clear that the ceasefire must be total and not just a ruse to regroup. If a breakthrough is possible in Nagaland, it could well be a harbinger for the restoration of peace and planned development in the northeast. At least hereafter, the politicians in power in these States and the leaders of the various militant and insurgent groups must put the people first and make a genuine effort to bring lasting peace and prosperity.

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