Looking to Musharraf

A large number of liberal-progressive sections in Pakistan have pinned their hopes on Gen. Pervez Musharraf being able to deliver their country from the control of fundamentalists. AMIT BARUAH looks at the prospects.

THE DIVIDE between rhetoric and reality remains. While the Government of Gen. Pervez Musharraf makes occasional noises about taking on entrenched fundamentalist (or `fundos' as they are better known) forces, there is little evidence that this posture is for real. It is clear that Gen. Musharraf's personal ``liberalism'' hasn't had much of an impact on Pakistani society in the seven months he has held power. In fact, the General has even had to deny that the Kemal Ataturk model had any relevance for Pakistan.

The General, his Ministers and officials have, for instance, been warning against the malaise of sectarianism that grips Pakistani society. In the past few days, there has been a spate of sectarian killings in different parts of the country while the military regime has watched helplessly.

The issue of ``action'' against terrorist groups operating in Kashmir is a secondary one for Pakistan when posited against the problem of sectarianism. Of course, it is now known that there is a ``live linkage'' between terrorist groups operating in Kashmir and sectarian outfits. For instance, Masood Azhar's Jaish-i- Mohammad has got money and cadres from the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a frontline Sunni sectarian group.

From time to time, there have been reports in the Pakistani press that the Interior Minister will be meeting with one or the other sectarian groups. The rot, however, runs deeper and will not be resolved by meetings alone.

Many deeni madaris (one estimate suggests that as many as 500,000 students are ``studying'' in these religious seminaries) teach a sectarian Islam, while others actively promote the concept of ``jehad'' in Kashmir.

The sectarian groups and the Pakistan-based militants operating in Kashmir pose a formidable challenge for the future of Pakistan. Islamabad, notwithstanding the ``pats on the back'' for having escaped the nomenclature of being a State sponsor of terrorism from the U.S., must be aware of the kinds of international pressures that it faces.

Pre-Kargil and pre-Kandahar, the U.S. State Department report on Patterns of Global Terrorism made very general remarks about the Pakistani state and its involvement in backing militant groups. Today, these linkages are open and up front. It would appear that the spate of contacts between Pakistani Government Ministers and officials after the March 25 Clinton visit to Islamabad has given some breathing space to the military regime on the issue of combating terrorism.

However, Pakistan must be aware that the last word has not been said on the issue of terrorism by the U.S. Reacting to the damaging American report, Gen. Musharraf stated: ``I just want to say that there is a difference of understanding in the definition of terrorism and who is a terrorist.'' When asked if some groups in Pakistan were involved in terrorist activities, the Chief Executive stated: ``No, definitely not.''

Clearly, Pakistan is in a corner on the issue of terrorism. Rather than doing something about addressing international concerns, Islamabad seems ``happy'' that it has not been placed on the U.S. list of states sponsoring terrorism. But, Islamabad, as much as New Delhi, needs to realise that the American view of Pakistan as a country which backs terrorism, is on account of American concerns.

A large number of liberal-progressive sections in Pakistan have, however, pinned their hopes on Gen. Musharraf being able to deliver their country from the control of the ``fundos''. Apart from his announcement on April 21 that an FIR in a blasphemy case will be registered only after approval by a Deputy Commissioner, there is little by way of a liberal agenda in the country.

There is little doubt that there are some small changes from the Nawaz Sharif period. The festival of Basant was given official sanction, the music group, Junoon, came out of the shadows to perform in Islamabad and the rights of citizenship have been extended to Pakistani women married to foreigners. So far, the General has not taken any real steps which can get him into trouble with the ``fundos''. There is, however, little doubt that he finds himself constricted and fettered to the power of fundamentalist forces, who, while having no electoral support, have a larger-than-life image. And, needless to say, their public image is the ``Kashmir jehad'' in which the Government backs them to the hilt.

One of the problems for the General appears to be the ``collegiate'' system of decision-making adopted after the October 12, 1999, coup where the corps commanders reportedly take decisions by consensus. And, within the General's kitchen cabinet, there is at least one hardliner on Kashmir. It's time Pakistan sat down to do some hard thinking on where the ``fundos'' that the state supports are taking the country. Not for the sake of America or India, but for Pakistan alone.

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