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Getting round the Mandal verdict
THE ALMOST UNANIMOUS support the Constitution (90th Amendment)
Bill received from the Lok Sabha is a classic instance of the
mainstream political parties - national as well as regional -
being only too ready to join forces on quota-related issues
affecting the Scheduled Castes/Tribes and the Other Backward
Classes, unabashed as they are about projecting themselves as the
redoubtable champions of `social justice'. The legislation,
providing for the exclusion of any backlog of reserved job
vacancies from the 50 per cent limit, is part of the exercise the
political establishment has embarked upon to counter the
`inconvenient' aspects of the Supreme Court's momentous 1992
verdict in the Mandal case which placed the concept of `positive
discrimination' in the correct Constitutional perspective and
provided safeguards against the sort of abuses and distortions
that have come to characterise its application over the years.
Besides putting the 50 per cent cap, the apex court had laid down
that the creamy layer within the notified beneficiary classes
should be identified and skimmed off and mechanisms created to
consider claims for exclusion from and inclusion in the
reservation bracket and that the quota principle could not apply
to `promotions'. While the governments have, by and large, fallen
in line at least in the formal sense with the court directive
pertaining to the creamy layer and the setting up of standing
panels, the political parties, barring a few exceptions, have
never been comfortable with the `backlog' and `promotion'-related
injunctions, not to speak of the 50 per cent ceiling itself. And
as early as in 1995 the P. V. Narasimha Rao Government formulated
a five-point plan for neutralising these post-Mandal verdict
`irritants'. Now the Vajpayee regime has moved swiftly in that
direction, pledging itself to the ``undoing'' of the adverse
impact of the ``offending circulars'' issued by the erstwhile
United Front Government following the Mandal case verdict.
The biggest thorn in the flesh of the political class has, of
course, been the 50 per cent limit, something States like Tamil
Nadu operating an unconscionably high level of quotas have never
reconciled themselves to. In fact, typical was Tamil Nadu's
response to the restriction: it passed a special law to give a
statutory basis for its 69 per cent quota regime and got the
enactment included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution,
which was supposed to provide immunity from judicial scrutiny.
That the whole operation was a smooth affair, with a ministerial
spokesman of the then Government at the Centre going to the
extent of inviting other States to emulate Tamil Nadu, was an
eloquent testimony to the vested interests which parties across
almost the entire political spectrum have developed in the quota
system. If successive governments have not gone ahead with
removing the `hurdle' so far, it is evidently because the Supreme
Court has before it petitions on the `ceiling'-related issues
especially in the Tamil Nadu context. Witness the Union Law
Minister, Mr. Ram Jethmalani's remarks in the Lok Sabha making it
clear that the pending case was indeed what held the Government's
hand. More striking was his assertion that, should the apex court
rule against any relaxation of the 50 per cent limit, the
Government would get round that verdict through amendments to the
Constitution. The position Mr. Jethmalani has taken accords, of
course, with the agenda of the National Democratic Alliance, and
politically this may help the NDA partners, particularly the
ruling DMK in Tamil Nadu (where the Assembly elections are less
than a year away) in blunting any possible criticism by the
AIADMK and other opponents that they have not done anything to
`protect' the 69 per cent quota system. But the fact remains that
the `quota regime' enunciated by the Supreme Court constitutes an
optimal blend of the twin principles of `positive discrimination'
and `right to equality'. Whether the realpolitik-driven statutory
initiatives of the Government designed to perpetuate the abuses
of the `reservation' concept will stand judicial scrutiny is also
an open question.
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Section : Opinion Next : Panskura seat and the 'mahajot' | |
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