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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Thursday, June 15, 2000 |
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The Panskura verdict
IN WRESTING THE Panskura Lok Sabha seat in West Bengal, Ms.
Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress may not have exactly put the
ruling Left Front on notice in the context of the Assembly poll
which is less than a year away. But there can be little doubt
that the sweeping defeat of the CPI nominee, Mr. Gurudas
Dasgupta, a seasoned parliamentarian, in the June 5 byelection,
is a major setback to the combine, given that the seat had been
held by it for over two decades, and its perceived invincibility
has received a good knock. In a sense, the Panskura verdict and
the outcome of the civic polls held across the State just about a
week earlier are at variance with the widely-shared perception
that the Left Front is unassailable in the rural constituencies
and the Trinamool Congress-BJP alliance's popular base is
predominantly urban in character. In the municipal elections, the
Left Front did remarkably well and the Congress(I), despite its
striking organisational weaknesses, by and large held its ground,
much to the chagrin of Ms. Banerjee who had failed to push
through her plan for an anti-Left `Grand Alliance', what with her
own party turning in a dismal performance. As for Panskura, the
Left Front has primarily itself, its internecine squabbles and
bickerings at the grassroots level, to blame for its poor
showing. In fact, there were early warning signals in the shape
of a sharp drop in its victory margin over the last few elections
which the Front had obviously ignored. The Left Front, which in
any case may have to contend with the handicap of not having Mr.
Jyoti Basu as its Chief Ministerial mascot, could be in trouble
when facing the Assembly elections if the right lessons are not
learnt from the Panskura experience.
One predictable consequence of the Panskura verdict is of course
the revival of the campaign for Ms. Banerjee's pet `Mahajot'
concept which envisaged the coming together of all the mainstream
anti-Left political parties, mainly the Trinamool Congress, the
Congress(I) and the BJP. After the civic polls that saw the
Congress(I) performing creditably and much better than the
Trinamool Congress, the prospects of the Grand Alliance were
rated low. But in the post-Panskura context, the pro-`Mahajot'
lobby in the Congress(I), among its chief protagonists being Mr.
Ghani Khan Choudhury and Mr. Somen Mitra, is bound to push for
the tieup vigorously, even if the pitch is unlikely to be queered
till after the Calcutta and Salt Lake civic polls are over.
Although the Congress(I) high command decided not to join forces
with the TC-BJP combine and chose to put up its own candidate in
Panskura, tokenism was palpable in its action, with no serious
electioneering in evidence and the party's central leadership
doing precious little to galvanise its cadres.
In fact, the Congress(I) high command's response to the `Mahajot'
idea has been marked by indecision and vacillation from the
beginning. First, when the likes of Mr. Ghani Khan Choudhury and
Mr. Somen Mitra insisted rather defiantly on a tieup with the
Trinamool Congress within an overall grouping that included the
BJP, Ms. Sonia Gandhi went along with them, even while party
spokesmen were taking a no-truck-with-BJP (either direct or
indirect) stand. On Ms. Banerjee refusing to snap ties with the
BJP - only the naive would have expected her to break away from
the dominant partner of the coalition ruling at the Centre - Ms.
Gandhi applied the brakes, rather tentatively and more to buy
time, but only to see the `Mahajot' ghost returning to haunt her
with greater vigour. It would be in the longer term interests of
the Congress(I) not to let the ideological imperatives at the
national level be overridden by narrow partisan considerations.
Which is to say, there can be absolutely no compromise or
equivocation in the matter of aligning with political forces that
subscribe to or support communal or sectarian ideologies.
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