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Closing gaps in ties with E.U.

THE FIRST SUMMIT-LEVEL interaction between India and the European Union has helped to plug a gap in New Delhi's political relations with Europe, mostly lukewarm in the past for historical reasons. The welcome reiteration by the Prime Minister, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee, that his Government was moving in the direction of signing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty removed a major hurdle and set the climate for better relations with the E.U. By hailing India's voluntary moratorium on nuclear testing as a commitment to the basic obligation of the CTBT, the E.U., which has a strong anti-nuclear lobby and had vehemently criticised the Pokhran-II tests, responded adequately for the two sides to impart greater political content to the expanding economic relationship. The E.U. is the largest trading partner of India but this had till now never been matched by political ties. The decision to hold regular summit meetings and to create political mechanisms to intensify consultations ends a long drought and corrects a distortion that crept in with the absurdity of India's exclusion from a summit-level Europe-Asia consultation. The E.U. has regular meetings at the highest level with Japan and China in Asia, besides the U.S., Russia and Canada. Mr. Vajpayee's engagement with the E.U. and the joint declaration issued at the end of the parleys reflect acknowledgement of India as an important player in the region and the global arena.

There apparently was also greater understanding of India's concerns over cross-border terrorism and the threat to regional peace and stability that this posed. The joint statement was categorical on this point: ``we (India and the E.U.) will bolster joint efforts to counter terrorism and meet all other challenges arising from it both in the regional and international context.'' There was a strong message of support for whatever initiatives India takes to fight this menace, in particular New Delhi's vigorous campaign for a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. This broad support, an echo of the experience of some of the member-nations of the E.U. who have themselves been waging relentless battles against terrorism, did not extend to particular cases. There was no condemnation of the sponsor of the terrorism across India's border. As for the related issue of Kashmir, the E.U.'s position was even-handed and clear: it urged dialogue and ``a cooperative attitude from both India and Pakistan''.

New Delhi's dialogue with the E.U. caps a series of bilateral interactions with the major players on the continent, notably France, Germany and now Italy. Both multilateral and bilateral tracks matter in a situation where the E.U. is less than the sum total of its parts, as reflected in the absence of a response on the question of expansion of the U.N. Security Council and support for India's candidature for permanent member status. The warm reception that Mr. Vajpayee received in Lisbon and the outcome of his talks with the Portuguese leaders signal that at the bilateral level the two countries have shaken off the ghosts of the colonial past and the bitterness that followed the military action in Goa. The renewed Portuguese connection can serve India well during a time of flux in international relations. With the E.U. itself seeking to emerge from the shadow of the trans-Atlantic partner, there is room and scope for political partnership in the shaping of a just world order. In the search for that multipolar world, India and the E.U. can play important complementary roles.

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