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'Britain has no formal embargo on arms sales to Pak.'
By Thomas Abraham
LONDON, JULY 26. Britain does not have either a formal or an
informal embargo on arms sales to Pakistan, the British Foreign
Office has made clear in testimony to parliament. The Foreign
Office Minister, Mr. Peter Hain, in evidence before the House of
Commons Foreign Affairs Committee earlier this year, said ``there
is no formal arms embargo, and there is no de facto informal one
either.'' Instead, he said, every arms export application was
given a ``careful consideration'' to see the impact the equipment
exported could have on the situation in Kashmir, and whether it
could be used for external aggression.
Britain has, at one level, condemned the coup in Pakistan and
called for an early restoration of democracy. But at the same
time it has clearly followed a pragmatic approach to arms sales
to the country. Britain is the world's second largest arms
exporter, and it is the government's policy to support the arms
industry and help it win contracts abroad.
In the case of Pakistan, there are restrictions on the kind of
weapons that Britain would supply. But these are more to do with
Islamabad's nuclear status and the situation in Kashmir, than
with the fact that it is run by a military government.
There appears to be little difference in the arms sales policy
towards Pakistan and India at present.
The British policy towards both the countries were set out
immediately after the nuclear tests in 1998, when the Foreign
Secretary stated that ``as the recent actions of both the
countries have demonstrated a lack of commitment on the
principles of non proliferation and have adversely affected
regional stability, we will consider all export licence
applications concerning either country with particular
vigilance.''
Ironically, while it maintains a tight regime on exports, Britain
is trying to sell the Hawk trainer aircraft to India.
Immediately after the coup, Britain sat on close to 100 export
licences for arms export until it got a clear picture of where
the regime is going. It is now apparently satisfied that it can
do business with the Musharraf regime, and has since granted 20
licences for bomb disposal equipment and naval spares. It has
rejected 26 licence applications, and has not taken a decision on
around 70 other applications.
A major British worry appears to be that in the absence of an EU
or any other international embargo on arms sales to Pakistan,
arms manufacturers from other countries would take advantage of
any British ban. An association of British defence manufacturers,
the Defence Manufacturers Association, has raised fears that it
would be undercut by other European manufacturers if Britain went
further than the rest of the EU in imposing restrictions.
In response to questions at a Foreign Affairs Parliamentary
Select committee hearing, Mr. Hain admitted that worries about
being undercut by manufacturers from other countries did
influence decisions on granting licences. ``Those considerations
might be one of them,'' he said, but added that the impact of
arms sales ``on the security situation and the tension in the
country'' was more important.
Foreign Office figures show that in 1997, British exported œ6.5
million of defence equipment to Pakistan, a figure which had come
down to œ750,000 in 1998 after the nuclear tests.
Parliamentarians have expressed unease at the way the government
has continued to licence defence sales to sensitive countries,
and have suggested that the parliamentary committee should have
the right to scrutinise export licence applications before they
are granted by the government.
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