Hurdles ahead in Indo-Nepal ties

By C. Raja Mohan

NEW DELHI, JULY 30. As the Prime Minister of Nepal, Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala, arrives here tomorrow to revive engagement at the highest level, India is ready to signal its political commitment for a solid cooperative relationship with a very important neighbour.

The hijacking of an Indian Airlines aircraft last Christmas from Kathmandu to Kandahar had shaken Indo-Nepal relations to the core. Since then there has been an intensive interaction at the level of senior officials and a measure of normality has been restored.

India and Nepal recognise the enormous stake they have in maintaining a steady relationship and the importance of travelling together towards a more prosperous future. But there are many bumps on the road.

Unless Nepal demonstrates greater pragmatism and India displays considerable patience in nurturing their complex interdependence, New Delhi and Kathmandu could easily drift apart again.

Mr. Koirala is already under pressure from his political opponents at home to adopt a muscular line on a number of issues that he will be bringing up for discussion with his counterpart, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee.

These include a review of the 1950 treaty establishing a unique relationship between India and Nepal, the management of water resources and a scientific delineation of the border between the two countries.

Seasoned observers of Indo-Nepal relations here say, the post- hijack negotiations on restoring IA flights with additional security reflect the huge structural problems that bedevil the very close and intense ties between India and Nepal.

The rise of prickly nationalism in Nepal and the tendency to politicise even normal state-to-state relations have begun to exact a heavy toll on bilateral relations.

Competitive India-bashing within the Nepali domestic politics has poisoned the atmosphere for any attempt to discuss and resolve outstanding disputes.

Kathmandu will have to find a way of addressing this fundamental constraint on deepening bilateral relations. India, on the other hand, would be well advised to persist with a sensitive approach towards Nepal.

There is enormous goodwill for Nepal within the Indian political class, and Kathmandu will be unwise to squander it and push New Delhi beyond all reasonable limits.

While New Delhi is by no means looking for reciprocity in its ties with Kathmandu, it will find it difficult to perpetually acquiesce in a one-sided relationship.

India might want to convey a non-defensive approach on the question of the review of the 1950 treaty between the two countries. New Delhi must be realistic enough to acknowledge that it cannot impose any arrangement even on its closest friends.

Nepal is, indeed, free to choose either an abrogation or a modification of the treaty. Kathmandu, however, needs to think through the consequences. Would it want to end the special privileges it avails in India through the treaty?

Meanwhile, many of the defence benefits granted to India in Nepal under the treaty have long been whittled down. Further, while New Delhi continues to offer ``national treatment'' to Nepali citizens in India, there has been reluctance in Kathmandu to provide the same to Indian citizens there.

Any attempt by Nepal, according to observers here, to dilute the treaty terms on its own obligations while insisting on retaining the benefits under the treaty could turn out to be a huge setback to the current efforts to rebuild and expand the relationship.

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