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Khatami losing the battle for reform?
MANAMA (BAHRAIN), AUG 9. With the closure of the last liberal
newspaper, Iranian conservatives have mounted an all-out effort
to muzzle the voice of reform in the country. Pro-reform
politicians have ample evidence that the majority of Iranians
support them but if they were to opt for a confrontation on the
streets they would play into the hands of the conservatives. At
the rate at which avenues for democratic protest or change are
being closed down, the pro-reform camp, especially the President,
Mr. Mohammed Khatami will have to soon evolve a method of dealing
with the conservative campaign.
Yesterday, the conservative-dominated judiciary closed down
Bahar, the last newspaper espousing the pro-reform point of view.
In justification, the judiciary said that the publishers had
failed to heed past complaints and published ``fabricated stories
and outright lies''. Other reports, however, suggest that the
newspaper was closed down because it carried a statement by Mr.
Mohammed Reza Khatami, the President's brother and the biggest
winner in the February Parliamentary election, wherein he had
criticised a recent directive by the Supreme Religious Leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Through his directive, Mr. Khamenei had
prevented Parliament from initiating any moves to repeal a
restrictive press code enacted by the conservatives before they
were deprived of their majority in the elections. Yet another
senior journalist was taken into custody the day before.
Bahar was the 24th publication to be closed since the
conservatives launched their crackdown in April. The most visible
aspect of Mr. Khatami's reform programme has thus been shot down
quickly. This does not necessarily mean that pro-reform news and
opinions will not be disseminated at all since Iran has a
tradition of what they call ``night journals'' publications which
are produced and distributed clandestinely. But the open liberal
atmosphere, which was swiftly overwhelming the country and adding
its own momentum to the reform campaign, has been suppressed.
Although few Iranians read the pro-conservative press, the
conservatives control radio and television and have been using
them for partisan purposes. For instance, they have been giving
prominent coverage to the demonstrations before Parliament
mounted by anti-reform vigilantes. The demonstrators were
dispersed after the Interior Ministry declared that they had not
given permission for the rallies and the Ministry also castigated
the electronic media for covering ``illegal rallies''. (Usually
the State-run media is punctilious about not paying any attention
to ``illegal activities''). In another demonstration of
conservative brazenness, State radio blasted the Interior
Ministry for imposing censorship.
Those demonstrating before the Parliament were reportedly mostly
members of the Basij, the quasi-official militia which owes
allegiance to conservatives entrenched in the Iranian
establishment. The demonstrators accused the pro-reform majority
in Parliament of being ``hypocrites'' and ``mercenaries'' who
were trying to implement a ``U.S. agenda of reform''. Some
reports said volunteers had even torn up portraits of the
President, a person whom the conservatives were not confident
enough to criticise till recently.
Even as the conservative campaign gets into full swing there has
not been an adequate response from the reform camp. Some reform
parliamentarians scuffled with conservative counterparts after
Mr. Khamenei's directive on the press code was read out and the
head of the committee that drafted the repeal Bill resigned from
his post. But as yet there has been no discernible effort to
mobilise the vast majority of pro-reform Iranians against the
conservatives. One major problem the reform leadership faces is
that the mobilisation of the people could prove counter-
productive. In any large-scale mass action it would be difficult
to exercise control.
If any future confrontation between pro and anti- reform
demonstrators turns violent, the conservatives can use the
pretext to mount a coup and thereby destroy whatever has been
achieved by the reform campaign so far. Moreover, most reform
leaders are not in favour of a total overthrow of the prevalent
system either. They are aware that no one can foresee where a
mass upsurge will take Iran. Perhaps the President is the only
person who can square the circle. But he too will have to act
soon.
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