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Fuelling panic
IN less than a week, Britain was brought close to a standstill.
Protests at the high cost of motor fuel by haulage companies were
quickly supported by a curious mixture of farmers, small business
owners and members of the general public. It did not, frankly,
lead to disaster, in spite of the excitable reactions of some of
the press, and the panic reactions of some people who, for
example, rushed to supermarkets to lay in supplies in quantities
appropriate to a siege.
It was, however, a situation which had lessons for a number of
different groups, including the Government, and which underlined
some serious weaknesses in the way in which the country is
organised.
It showed that the suppliers of motor fuel, the big multi-
national oil companies, have no responsibility for maintaining
the supply of what is in the modern world an essential commodity.
Why should they have? They are purely commercial organisations.
But the product they sell is as essential as electricity, and
gas, and water, the supply of which is protected, and the petrol
price protests laid bare the impotence of the Government in this
important area. The point was emphasised by Professor Ian Fells,
leading energy specialist, in a letter to The Times, in which he
argued that the Government must develop an energy strategy "which
will not leave us vulnerable to overseas oil and gas suppliers,
not to say industrial action by our own disaffected workers". The
Government has recognised the immediate need by planning
legislation which will impose on oil companies the same statutory
obligation to maintain supplies as rests on the privatised
utilities which supply the other essential commodities.
The nature of the protesters - not the traditional practitioners
of industrial action - was another interesting feature of the
situation. Equally interesting were some of the reactions to it.
Conservative politicians who babbled about revolution and a
threat to democracy at the time of the strike by coal miners
during the period of Mrs Thatcher's government, and who supported
brutally insensitive treatment of those strikers, were now
speaking approvingly of protesters trying to force a change of
government policy (on fuel tax) by demonstration. William Hague,
Conservative leader, called them fine, upstanding citizens.
The Daily Mail, a paper not noted for either consistency or a
liking for continental Europe, had lambasted the French
Government earlier in the month for "cravenly" caving in to fuel
price protesters, but now carried an article praising protest as
the lifeblood of democracy. Direct action, one must conclude, is
all right if it embarrasses a British Labour Government, even if
many of the protesters have no higher motive than a dislike of
paying fuel tax.
Another lesson - for politicians, and for the community as a
whole - was that Britain is more heavily dependent than its
European neighbours on road transport. The reason is simple;
successive governments have been heavily influenced by the
powerful road lobby and there has been no coherent overall
transport policy. (The present government has shown some signs of
awareness of this, and of a wish to reverse the situation.)
The most significant lesson to be learnt from the whole affair
was a painful one for the Government, namely that they were out
of touch with popular feeling. Opinion polls have confirmed this,
showing a dramatic fall in their popular support, which is an
unhappy message to receive at the beginning of the political
party conference season.
It was clearly right for Tony Blair to refuse to let the
Government be bullied by protesters into making tax concessions.
Allowing policy to be dictated by mass protest constitutes a real
danger to democracy, whatever the Conservatives may imply.
Whatever the rights and wrongs of the protest, however, Tony
Blair and his colleagues failed to recognise how widespread is
the resentment at high tax on petrol and diesel oil - a tax
which, as a percentage of the price, rises when oil companies put
the price up. This suggests they have lost the habit of listening
to their constituents. Focus groups are no substitute.
There are strong environmental arguments for reducing the number
of vehicles on the road and the amount of fuel consumed.
Punishing motorists by taxation, however, does not achieve this.
It will not do so unless there are satisfactory alternative ways
of travelling, and that requires a massive investment in such
things as railways and efficient, cheap, bus services. We are
back to transport policy.
In the meantime, Tony Blair has a popular political credibility
gap to close.
BILL KIRKMAN
The writer is a Fellow of Wolfson College, Cambridge.
E-mail him at wpk1000@cam.ac.uk.
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