A tale of two visits

THE U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton's visit to India last March was so hugely successful that it has become a bench mark against which all other trips to India by Heads of State and Government have come to be judged. It was inevitable then that the Russian President, Mr. Vladimir Putin's recent trip to India would indeed be examined in comparison. In this unfair exercise, there is no question that Mr. Putin comes up short against Mr. Clinton.

There is no denying the easy charm of Mr. Clinton, whose new and endearing tone towards India bowled over the nation. There was no way Mr. Putin could have matched the kind of packaging that went into the making of the Clinton visit.

In terms of popular response, Russia and its leaders can no longer generate the universal popular appeal that American ideas do in the post-Soviet world. The ideological alternative that Moscow once represented, no longer resonates the way it did in the Soviet times.

India is of course is in the middle of a new romance with America. The excitement about the U.S. is natural, as India reaches out to America after nearly five decades of political estrangement. The relationship with Russia is more like a marriage that New Delhi and Moscow are trying to save.

India is building a new relationship with the U.S. that will be absolutely central to its future international relations. At the same time, it is trying to consolidate the strengths of the old ties with Russia and rework them to meet the demands of a changed situation. The following is a guide to how things are working out with both Washington and Moscow.

On the basic framework. For all the nice words Mr. Clinton had to offer in India, his Administration insists that the full potential of the relationship cannot be realised until the differences over the nuclear issue are not addressed by India.

Russia, on the other hand, has sought to break the international nuclear blockade against India by expanding nuclear cooperation with India. And by visiting the heart of the Indian nuclear establishment at the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre in Trombay, Mr. Putin was signalling the acceptance of India's new nuclear status. In contrast, Mr. Clinton asked the Indians, if only gently, to rethink their decision to go nuclear in May 1998.

The CTBT and non-proliferation. Both America and Russia want India to sign the CTBT and join the mainstream of international nuclear non-proliferation regime. But the American pitch is direct and blunt; the Russian line is more accommodative.

Defence cooperation. In the wake of the Indian nuclear tests, Washington suspended all defence interaction. Although some contacts have resumed, they are unlikely to be normalised until India signs the CTBT. Meanwhile, Russia is likely to remain the principal source of defence equipment for India for the foreseeable future.

Trade and economic relations. On this crucial front, the U.S. has forged ahead as the leading source of foreign direct investment and technology. Annual trade with the U.S. has gone past the figure of $ 12 billion, while that with Russia is stagnating at less than $ 2 billion. Restructuring the economic relations with Russia remains a big challenge.

Kashmir. There always has been greater convergence of views on Kashmir between New Delhi and Moscow. And that stays. The U.S. has begun to shed some of its past ambiguity. Unlike in Russia, the concerns about a nuclear flashpoint in Kashmir are very strong in the U.S. The message from both is that India and Pakistan must resolve the issue peacefully the through compromise.

Pakistan. American and Russia are reworking their positions towards the subcontinental rivals. The U.S. is moving away from the past tilt towards Pakistan towards a more balanced position, but insists on dealing with Gen. Pervez Musharraf the chief executive of Pakistan. Russia has begun a new engagement of Pakistan without giving up its special relationship with India.

Afghanistan. Meanwhile the new threats of religious extremism and international terrorism radiating out of Afghanistan are bringing Washington, Moscow and New Delhi. All three have agreed to set up bilateral joint working groups on the subject.

India's larger role. Both America and Russia have come to accept the potential of a larger role for India in Asian and global security affairs. While Russia has extended strong support to India's permanent membership of the U.N. Security Council, the U.S. is yet to reveal its hand.

Global issues. On international affairs there is both convergence and divergence among the three, India and Russia want a multipolar world that will limit the dominance of the U.S. in world affairs. Both of them, however, know the value of the engagement with Washington. The U.S. of course, believes it is the indispensable nation in world affairs. But on many issues such as democracy, terrorism, and extremism, all three increasingly find themselves on the same side.

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