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A simplifying bias
THE American Presidential debates have got under way and this
seems a good time to take a look at a new book which examines
what television has done to political discourse in the United
States. In The Sound Bite Society - Television and the American
Mind, Jeffrey Scheuer puts forward the provocative theory that
the emergence of television as a political force and the collapse
of American liberalism are connected. He argues that a culture
driven by sound bytes impoverishes political debate, and that the
U.S.' popular and political cultures are dominated by money and
profit, imagery and spin, hype and personality. Through
television, politicians sell themselves much more effectively
than their ideas.
One consequence is that, though a mature democracy demands a
respectful discourse across a broad range of responsible opinion,
television is not delivering such respectful discourse for
American democracy. Scheuer believes that TV has a simplifying
bias which promotes and epitomises conservatism. "Television in
nearly all its forms and functions, and for both economic and
structural reasons, acts as a simplifying lens, filtering out
complex ideas in favour of blunt emotional messages that appeal
to the self and to narrow moral-political impulses." Perhaps that
is why the number of successful television personalities on the
right in the U.S. far outweigh those on the left, going by his
enumeration of them.
The second part of this argument is that simple does not mean
simplistic or simple-minded. Rather, a simple theory of
government and social contract is one that demands less of
individuals and offers less in return. One that argues for
smaller government, lower taxes, fewer services, less regulation,
preferring to leave the market alone rather than to regulate or
offset it. That is the conservative vision, it is a simpler
vision than the liberal vision, and it plays well on the
airwaves. (Example: George Bush Sr's "Read my lips, no taxes!")
It was very much evident last week in some of George W. Bush Jr's
soundbites: "(Gore's plan) empowers Washington versus empowering
Americans," he said. And talked of Gore proposing "Big exploding
Federal Government that wants to think on your behalf."
The belief that the media is liberal arises, the author says,
from the fact that those in the media have a more liberal profile
than those in many other professions. But that does not make the
television medium an agent of liberalism. On the contrary, its
propensity for simplification makes TV a handmaiden of
conservative values and messages and a hinderance to the more
complicated values and messages of liberalism. While Gore was
clearly better on detail last week, Bush had the more effective
put-downs. He simply dismissed the details by disparaging Gore's
"Washington fuzzy math." And the ultimate anti-intellectual put-
down: "Not only did he invent the Internet, he also invented the
calculator!" That line will be remembered when Gore's details
have been forgotten.
Scheuer does not buy the assertion that television is neither
liberal nor conservative but simply commercially driven. Its
electronic currents have simplifying tendencies, he says.
Television's increasing domination of the political culture has
coincided with the ascendency of what he calls the "Electronic
Right", and contributed, he argues, to making the U.S. a more
conservative nation, a theory supported by electoral results in
the Senate and Congress and by the nature of legislative
initiatives since the 1960s.
Since the Kennedy-Nixon debate of 1960 which inaugurated
television politics, Scheur thinks political discourse has
coarsened on television and the winners in the new game of
electronic politics have been on the right, not the left. A
Kennedy or a Clinton might exploit the medium, but as a prism for
personal charisma, not as a conduit of liberal ideas. TV rewards
simple messages, it sells personalities more easily than ideas.
It is driven economically and technologicially by dramatic,
visceral and emotional messages that please or anger or incite,
not by complex ideas that might make people think or act or
cooperatively. Sample Bush last week on abortion: "I want to
promote a culture of life for America." On tax rebates: "He
thinks the surplus is the Government's money. It is hardworking
America's money."
The other aspect of this book's argument is to explore the kind
of news that is gaining ascendency in the contemporary U.S.:
tabloid sensationalism on TV on the one hand, and soft,
uncontroversial news magazines on the other. Both amplify TV's
antipathy to complexity. Television's visual and commercial
characteristics are suited to the tabloid style - sensational,
heroic, personalised stories with simple narrative structures,
and conventional underlying values.
It is a medium of visual story telling, not of theorising. It has
an inherent structural difficulty in covering processes,
abstractions or trends. It can show you a tree falling or an
unemployed logger but it cannot as easily assess the trade-off
between logging jobs and old growth forest. It forces news to
bend to its technological needs. It has an aversion to ideas,
explanations, contexts. It demands quick and final solutions to
complex and intransigent problems. (Doesn't that remind you of
the Star News anchors: "so tell us quickly, yes or no?" Or, "your
final statement please, in 10 seconds.") Furthermore, the rise of
tabloid and soft news has been accompanied by a decline in both
hard news and public affairs programming. A further defeat for
liberalism in the U.S..
He reasons that television speaks a simple and reductive language
and systematically banishes what we might call "anti-language",
the universe of deeper more complex discourse. It favours heroes
and villains over complex eccentric ditherers, Kojak over Hamlet.
It favours individuals and small groups over large
collectivities. And judging by last week's debate, it forces
candidates for the most powerful office in the world to
personalise their vision through emotive stories of individual
Americans as both did last week.
And to grope for the most effective sound byte.
Later in the book, Scheuer moves on to discuss complexity and
ideology, and the political dimensions of complexity which cannot
be dealt with in the limited confines of this column. As he puts
it, the argument is to intrigue and provoke, not to settle any
matter with finality. But his answer to whether television has
served democracy well is no. Funny, because in India where
television brings leaders and their agendas to millions who have
no access to the printed word, the answer to that question would
probably be yes. Scheuer tempts one to probe a little further.
Are we perhaps measuring politics and politicians by superficial
criteria because of TV? The book has a website:
www.thesoundbitesociety.com
For Formula 1 addicts: "Inside Formula One", 9 p.m. Discovery
Channel. Takes you to the factory in rural England where the
Formula One cars are built, and then on the test drives. Through
the week, same time, other new episodes of the old series, "Car
Crazy".
What competition does: Nine Gold on the Metro Channel hit upon
the idea of getting big film stars to do a tribute to yesteryear
siren Helen next weekend. Sony got to know, and was quick to grab
the same idea and same stars for the same day! At the time of
writing, it is not known whether Nine Gold is going ahead, but
Sony's invitation for an event to announce the big event is in
hand!
On Star Talk tonight at 7.30 p.m.: P.C. Sorcar Jr. talking about
how he can make the Taj disappear. On Star News.
SEVANTI NINAN
E-mail the writer at sevantininan@vsnl.com
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