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Vidarbha and Statehood
By Mahesh Vijapurkar
THE POLITICAL flavour of the moment in Vidarbha, and to some
extent in the rest of Maharashtra, is Statehood. Every leader -
not the common man - is talking about it, including a large
section in the Congress. They hope to tell Mrs. Sonia Gandhi
today that public opinion favours Statehood for Vidarbha. Some
have come out of the woodwork, as they do off and on, to speak
again in favour of Statehood but are eliciting sharp adversarial
response. That makes for a clear division of opinion at one
level. Never, it must be conceded, in the recent decade has the
statehood demand been pitched so high.
However, there is no public involvement in the issue; especially
of the middle class in the region which is tired of politicians'
public postures and grand promises. Any straw poll would indicate
that the ``agitation'', if that is what it is, is seen more as an
agenda of the leaders and not of the region's people. This is
also because no credible leader has picked up the issue to
generate a favourable public response and, more importantly,
participation. But, is Vidarbha the real issue?
It is not that the people of the region would frown on Statehood
being conferred on Vidarbha. But, are some political leaders like
Dr. Srikant Jichkar, once a Minister, concede for the them ``to
toil is not in our blood''. Statehood will be accepted if it
happens but it is unlikely that they will agitate for it.
Samyukta Maharashtra (the larger, unified linguistic Marathi
State which is even today an unfulfilled dream of the 1950s, with
large Marathi-speaking chunks left with Karnataka, Belgaum and
Karwar) is not any more a large emotional issue with the people.
Most have begun to look, observers concede, for better options
based on reason and economics and are not keen on being weighed
down by any non-pragmatic emotional constraints. A region which
moved into linguistic Maharashtra applying conditions is less
likely to be enamoured of that concept.
Locals in Vidarbha want jobs that are scarce. Except in farming
and trading, no significant investment has come in. Industrial
activity is notional and grand plans of even a New Nagpur have
not attracted funds and enterprise. They have dreams of better
times; they want to be on a par with rest of the world. Will
Statehood be a magic wand? They are not sure. What nags them is
whether this is a genuine clamour of the leaders or a mirage
raised once again?
Every State Cabinet in Maharashtra has had Ministers from
Vidarbha. When providing Government jobs, every leader has always
given the region its due. It is a sad commentary that these
leaders now say they were rendered helpless by the vested
interests of western Maharashtra in their bid to secure justice
to the region. A trade union leader has this to say: ``These
leaders from here (Vidarbha) sup with their friends in western
Maharashtra and come back and tell us they could do little for
us. If that was the case, why go and be a Minister in
Maharashtra. Give up everything and get us Vidarbha.'' Or else,
just develop the region.
When seniors in the Congress such as Mr. N. K. P. Salve admit
publicly that in the past Congressmen were ``blackmailed'' by the
high command to back down on the Vidarbha demand because the
party's control of Maharashtra depended on the numerical support
from the region, they were letting the cat out of the bag. One,
that the partymen who now raise shrill demands for Statehood had
once put the party above the region. Two, that the Congress did
little to make things better for the region. Credibility, no
wonder, has taken a knock.
When Mr. Sudhakarrao Naik, third person from the backward region
of Vidarbha to be Chief Minister, announces that he would be the
first - his ardour has dimmed somewhat because of the constraints
of ``the party line'' of the Nationalist Congress Party - to move
a resolution in the Maharashtra Legislature this winter, it also
betrays the same fact: when they had an opportunity, little was
achieved and now bets are being placed on Statehood as a cure for
all ills. These things tend to add up to the opinion that leaders
cannot be trusted.
In fact, there is no agreed, viable means of measuring public
opinion on Statehood: who and how many are on which side. Mr.
Sharad Pawar, easily the most influential person who can either
make or mar the dream of a Vidarbha State, thinks a referendum is
the best way to determine which way the wind blows. But the
Centre will not agree to this since it has ramifications
``elsewhere'', meaning Jammu and Kashmir. Others like Mr. Datta
Meghe, now a Minister, thinks dissolution of the Maharashtra
Assembly and elections making Vidarbha the issue would be a good
bet.
Others say the opinion of the elected representatives and party
leaders is enough. This suggestion comes in the main from
Congressmen who often print photographs of people on the dais at
a pro-Vidarbha ``rally'' or ``meeting'' and never the audience.
Each of these leaders - Mr. Vilas Muttemwar, Mr. Ranjit Deshmukh,
Mr. Banwarilal Purohit, Mr. Nasikrao Tirupude et al - has run
these conclaves separately but the audience has not grown. A
bandh has been proposed for November 27 but that is a long way
off. An assessment on this basis, of public opinion, is
difficult.
Again, elections have not been a good barometer in the region.
They never have. The BJP, despite its commitment to smaller
States, could not put the Vidarbha Statehood issue in the joint
manifesto with the Shiv Sena which continues to oppose
dismembering the linguistic State. In 1995, the BJP-Sena together
acquired 33 of the 66 seats from the region to the Assembly? Was
it because the BJP favoured Statehood and the Sena opposed it?
Did the Congress do better in the last Assembly or Lok Sabha
polls despite not making Vidarbha the centrepiece of the
campaign? No clear answers.
The Vidarbha Rajya Sangarsha Samiti had contested elections on
the Statehood issue long ago. So had the Mahavidarbha Sangharsha
Samiti. But they had little to show ( a couple of MPs and a
handful of MLAs) by way of electoral gains. When Mr. Jambuwantrao
Dhote led the movement, it was as fierce as it could get. Now, he
is a burnt-out politician who has plighted his troth with the
Shiv Sena which opposes formation of a new State. Or is it that
the people had then wanted Vidarbha to be given a chance to
develop under a larger linguistic State?
Which means, neither by the yardstick of an election nor an
agitation has public opinion been mustered in favour of Vidarbha.
Some do, however, trot out the fact that the Fazal Ali Commission
on reorganisation of States conceded the viability of Vidarbha,
but then, that was under the conditions then prevailing,
comparing perhaps its assets with Madhya Bharat. If the leaders
speak of that region's conditional merger as a big mistake, they
have not yet explained why they tried little to secure justice in
40 long years of participation in an administration that ignored
the region.
A lot will be said in the near future; political manoeuvres will
be the order of the day. The BJP will remain smug asking the
Congress to take up the issue in the Legislature. The NCP has
already asked the BJP and the Congress to make up their minds
before it responds because the other two parties have a better
mandate by way of votes. The Shiv Sena will badger the BJP. And
the people will watch and listen. Politics will be the key issue
and not Vidarbha or its development.
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