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A new WTO round is needed for major results: Mike Moore
It has been a difficult first year for Mr. Mike Moore, the second
Director-General of the World Trade Organisation. He assumed
office in September 1999, after a bitter selection process, less
than three months before the institution's third ministerial
meeting in Seattle.
In the brief period before the Seattle meeting, Mr. Moore was
unable to get the WTO's members to agree on a ministerial
declaration. Those differences were carried over to the
ministerial meeting in December, where against the backdrop of
street protests, the conference ended in chaos and failure
without launching a new round of trade liberalising negotiations
as the U.S., the European Union and the WTO Secretariat had hoped
for.
Since then Mr. Moore has been engaged in efforts to restore some
faith in the WTO. (Mr. Moore dismisses suggestions that the WTO
is finding its feet after Seattle. ``It is always on its feet.
And it never strode the world like a colossus. It always moves
forward one step at a time.'') While the WTO members have entered
the first phase of implementing an earlier agreement to start
talks in 2000 on reducing agricultural subsidies and opening the
service sector further to global trade, Mr. Moore earlier this
year embarked on a number of ``confidence-building measures''
which he saw as crucial to building support among the developing
and least developed countries (LDCs) for the system.
These measures included an attempt to revive the talks on the
``implementation concerns'' of the developing countries - a set
of 54 proposals to redress imbalances in the existing WTO/GATT
pacts which had prevented them from reaping the promised benefits
of the controversial Uruguay Round (1986-1993)of trade
negotiations. Other measures include greater sensitivity to the
LDCs and getting all member-countries involved in the talks.
Where does the WTO stand a year after Mr. Moore took over and on
the threshold of the first anniversary of the Seattle meeting? In
an interview with C. Rammanohar Reddy last week at the Geneva
headquarters of the WTO, Mr. Moore talks about what the WTO has
been doing since the Seattle conference. Excerpts:
There is a mixed picture at the WTO. The preliminary discussions
on further negotiations in agriculture and services are going on
smoothly. But the confidence-building measures that you initiated
after the Seattle failure do not seem to have gone very far. For
instance, some officials from the developing countries say that
nothing has happened at the WTO talks on the implementation
issues.
Seattle was not the first time that a meeting of the WTO/GATT
ended without an agreement. And given the kind of issues involved
for some countries to not get an agreement was an honourable
solution.
Regarding implementation, it is a bit of a cheap shot to say that
nothing has happened. You cannot pass that opinion until the end
of this year, since we are still in the middle of consultations.
It is true that nothing has been put down on paper. But we have
spent days and days discussing the issue. We have open,
transparent meetings where everybody can attend. I know of one
person who criticised the implementation process but he had not
cared to attend any of the meetings.
I am told that 25 per cent of the proposals put forward by the
developing countries are close to becoming ``doable'' by the end
of the year. The others may require a great deal of technical
work. The implementation proposals were in any case never meant
to reopen and renegotiate, within one year, everything that was
agreed upon during years of negotiations during the Uruguay Round
(1986-1994). In the end we can make the clouds but not the rain.
In the end, it is up to the governments to make commitments to
each other.
There is the other complaint that even the LDC Initiative, the
special WTO approach for the least developed countries (LDCs) has
also not delivered anything so far.
We now have 27 countries who say they will make a definite offer
on preferential access to exports by the LDCs. Promises have been
made before, but this is the first time that concrete offers will
be made. The E.U., for instance, says that everything other than
armaments and sugar is on the table. This is unprecedented. I
have recently done a follow-up with ministers from the developed
countries on their offers for the LDCs. I want to be in a
position to say at the coming UNCTAD meeting on LDCs that X
amount of market access worth Y million dollars will be made
available, so much of technical assistance for capacity-building
will be provided and so on. That will be definite progress.
Take the Integrated Framework for the LDCs. Ministers decided
four years ago at the Singapore WTO meeting on this approach. Yet
it is outrageous that nothing had happened. It had only delivered
travel points for some bureaucrats. Now we have got hold of it,
set up a separate unit and actually narrowed our
responsibilities. Here again I am hopeful that by the end of the
year we will have definite progress to report. If we don't, we
will have to say that the institutions are incapable of doing
what the ministers instructed them to do.
On participation by the world's poor countries in the WTO
negotiations..
Our meetings are open. We are having open meetings today (October
17), tomorrow and the day after to discuss implementation
proposals. We can make more time available. We are doing
practical things to help countries with modest missions in Geneva
to fully participate in the process. Identifying point people
they can contact, providing them with early alerts, regular
bulletins to keep them informed. You have to be a pretty mean-
spirited modest mission not to say all this has not been of some
assistance. You have to be a pretty mean-spirited non-resident
mission not to say you are not receiving weekly reports on what
is happening at the WTO.
There is this point of view that the WTO is a negotiating
machine. And that outside of negotiations it just grinds to a
halt.
What we are doing now is building blocks, which one by one are
part of a foundation to make the institution useful to its
members. Addressing the implementation issue is one way by which
we are putting the blocks together. The discussions on
implementation are taking an enormous amount of time and we want
reasonable results from the process. But will we get all the
results we want from these discussions? Of course not. In my
heart I do not believe that we can get all the results our
members want without wide-ranging negotiations. There are certain
things that will not be negotiated outside a new round of trade
talks.
When then do you think the membership will be ready to launch a
round that could not be started in Seattle? Before or after the
next WTO ministerial next year?
I do not want to predict a date. When the members of the WTO are
ready to launch a round of trade negotiations they will do so.
Has the air cleared since the anger of Seattle? There was a lot
of mistrust there.
It has not cleared completely. But the atmosphere now is much
better. I know that a few people regret the speeches they made in
Seattle. But at different levels, officials from our member-
countries are now engaging each other in a constructive process.
There used to be a word that people would use which would
infuriate me last year. Whenever a proposal was made, people
would immediately say it was ``unacceptable''. They are not
saying that anymore. There is no pre-judgement of issues, no
presumptions. That is progress.
If there was one single issue that contributed to the Seattle
collapse, it was the position on labour standards taken by the
U.S. and the E.U. Has their position changed over the course of
the past year?
I do not see flexibility on this issue from either side (the U.S.
and E.U. on one side and the developing countries which opposed
the proposal on the other).
Do you think the U.S. and the E.U. now realise that they can no
longer run this institution like the way they used to until the
1980s? That what they say no longer goes?
No single country owns this institution. It belongs to every
member-country. The dynamics have changed. I am the first non-
European Director-General of the WTO. The Uruguay Round had 90
countries, now there are 139 countries. Members of the WTO
secretariat have been challenged on some issues. They have
changed, they continue to change and we have to change further.
A few years ago the dispute settlement body (DSB) used to be
hailed as one of the success stories of the WTO. Now it is being
criticised for so many reasons. That the text of the agreement
was drafted badly; that the disputes panels and the appellate
judges are going beyond their mandates and creating new
obligations; that the appellate judges are passing rude comments
on the panellists' rulings. What is your view?
Those comments on the DSB are a bit harsh. It is a new system,
new to international architecture. It is not a tablet from God.
It is man-made. Of course, it can be improved. But no one has
questioned the `honour' of the system. I do not think anyone
wants to abolish it.
I would have thought it would be held up as a model for other
global institutions. Like Mr. Kofi Annan could do with such a
body for the Middle East - with both sides committing themselves
to the results of an independent panel. That does not mean our
system is perfect. We are going by custom, convention and past
practice to make the system work better.
Do you not see the proliferation of regional trade agreements as
undermining the WTO and the multilateral system? That the smaller
countries, in particular, are getting marginalised in the
process?
I am a great believer in multilateralism. It is the best option
but is not the only option. Regionalism too can be a force for
good - look at the E.U. I can see why the business community
finds regionalism an attraction - because they can quickly
measure its benefits. I see a threat in regionalism in the sense
that the political capital that is better invested in a
multilateral system goes into the development of regional
agreements.
If you are looking at the costs of not having a new round of
trade negotiations at the WTO then regionalism could lead to some
costs.
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