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Focus must shift to the States
By S. Swaminathan
Whether it is the quasi-federal structure of the polity or the
obsessive pursuit of Centre-dominated economic planning during
the first four decades of independence which caused it, the
Indian economy is today characterised by a deep chasm between a
few developed States and many States wallowing in under-
development. The onset of liberalisation process has only
worsened the situation.
As Mr. Arun Shourie, Minister of State in the Ministry of
Planning, informed Parliament recently, ``The range of variation
between the slowest and the fastest growing States in the 1980s
was from 3.6 per cent per year in Kerala to 6.6 per cent in
Rajasthan, a factor of less than 2. The range increased
substantially in the 1990s from a low of 2.7 per cent per year
for Bihar, to a high of 9.6 per cent for Gujarat, a factor
exceeding 3.5. Comparing Bihar's per capita growth rate with that
of Gujarat in the 1990s, the ratio between the lowest and the
highest is as high as 1:7.''
There are two implications here. The first is that the system of
planning (premised on spatial distribution of public sector
investments as an equilibrating factor) was nowhere near
achieving the desired end. The second is that when once
competitive bidding for private sector investments in the post-
liberalisation phase began, it has simply been a case of the
``rich'' States becoming richer and the poor States languishing
further.
Conventional remedies
Paradoxical as it may seem, the glaring economic disparities as
between Bihar and Maharashtra, for example, are not the
consequences of enormous differences in resource endowments, with
Bihar abounding in coal and other mineral resources as compared
to Maharashtra. Nor does an explanation for the disparity lie in
any niggardliness of Central investments in Bihar during the epic
period of planning (1950-1980) as contrasted with the
dispensation accorded to Maharashtra.
The argument that the devolution of Central funds to the States
could itself operate against regional disparities has been proved
to be fragile if only Bihar's unenviable record is not regarded
as a bizarre exception. Dr. Raja Chelliah seems to consider the
traditional line followed by successive Finance Commissions in
regard to ``gap-filling'' of deficits of State governments on
non-Plan revenue account itself as a factor contributing to
accumulated fiscal deficits at the state level. However his
criticism of the Eleventh Finance Commission's approach - of
broadly tilting the scales in favour of the backward States -
appears to be flawed in as much as Dr. Chelliah himself advocates
more substantial although conditional assistance by the Centre to
the most backward States such as Bihar, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh
for helping them carry out major developmental projects. That
there has been little of meaningful and constructive dialogue
between the Centre and the backward States on the need to help
them emerge from abysmal conditions especially of infrastructure,
law and order and the system of governance (underscoring
accountability) has remained a costly lapse of the country's
development agenda.
Non-performing States
In a recent statement made in Parliament, Mr. Shourie revealed
that most States have not been able to fully utilise the outlays
approved by the Planning Commission.
What is even more distressing, not only the BIMARU States but
also West Bengal and Orissa were not able to achieve their Plan
outlays for the last three years. How much of the shortfalls was
due to the resources crunch of the State governments and how much
due to inefficiency of implementation of projects is a question
which deserves serious examination if only for ensuring that in
future, these States do not permit essential projects to go
abegging.
Under a system of ``federal fiscalism'', while the Centre seems
to be loaded with obligations to devolve funds in favour of the
States, the latter do not seem to be under any discipline in the
matter of applying funds for the intended projects or of ensuring
reasonable levels of performance for the funds spent. If the
reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, on several States
embody a common message, it is that the so-called backward States
indulge in indiscriminate diversion of ``plan funds'' to meet
routine expenditure on the revenue account, especially salaries
for the staff.
States must mend their ways
Dr. Y. V. Reddy, Deputy Governor of the Reserve Bank of India,
has rightly pointed out recently that the major focus of fiscal
responsibility has shifted to the States from the Centre. All the
attention hitherto has been on containment of the fiscal deficit
of the Centre. The fact that broadly 44 per cent of the total
expenditure of the Centre takes the form of ``resources
transferred to the States'' makes it obvious that the fiscal mess
of the States is what feeds into the Centre's fiscal deficit. A
surfeit of advice to the States on how they could correct their
fiscal distortions has filled the debate on the subject. Yet, the
hard reality is that few State governments have shown the
willingness to augment their revenue resources (by taxing
agricultural income in the top brackets and by recovery of user
charges in electricity and water) or to rationalise their
spending pattern much less to wind up scores of redundant public
enterprises.
What distortion is this that in the name of ``fiscal
federalism'', State governments get away from their basic
obligations of developing infrastructure and providing
entitlements to citizens in the form of education, medicare, safe
drinking water, road connectivity and dwelling on the specious
plea that the Centre is not providing enough funds through the
devolution route? The suggestions made by Dr. Montek Singh
Ahluwalia, member of the Planning Commission, that it is time
that ``policy conditionalities'' of a transparent order be linked
to the process of devolution of funds, is extremely significant.
``The business as usual'' approach will only encourage State
governments to lapse further in the abyss of financial
bankruptcy.
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