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Whistle-blowing as an anti-corruption tool
CORRUPTION IN Asian countries has become a popular topic of
international research. Publication of country-wise indices of
corruption perception is now almost an annual feature. We have
the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International and
that of the Business International, the Global Competitiveness
Report Index and the Survey of the Political & Economic Risk
Consultancy Ltd., Hong Kong to mention a few. In all these cases,
India has the dubious distinction of being ranked high in the
perceived level of corruption. No wonder, therefore, that
corruption in India is now seen as a dangerous disease warranting
a desperate remedy. One such remedy, advocated among others by no
less a person than the Chief Vigilance Commissioner, is whistle-
blowing.
Normally, one associates the blowing of a whistle with giving a
green signal to go on, as in the case of running race or a
departing train. In the context of fighting corruption, it means
a red signal to stop something fishy going on. It is in a way the
opposite of the three monkeys which see, hear or speak no evil.
Whistle-blowing says: keep your eyes and ears open to see or hear
anything evil, and if you do, speak about it openly! The term
whistle-blower, however, is used to refer only to an insider who
exposes the evil in a system of which he is a member. Feroz
Gandhi who exposed the Mundhra scam in the LIC was not a whistle-
blower, but Manoj Prabhakar who exposed match-fixing was a
whistle-blower. It would apply to any public servant who exposes
corruption in government.
Not an entirely new concept
In a sense, whistle-blowing is not an entirely new concept. An
accused who turns approver is a whistle-blower in a special
judicial context. But what we are discussing is a general
authorisation to all public servants for exposing corruption in
government whenever and wherever they see it and whoever may be
involved. No special dispensation is required for a public
servant to tackle a corrupt subordinate. If he has to cut across
the systemic hierarchy and expose corruption at levels higher
than his own, then a special dispensation is required which is
what a Whistle-blowers (Protection) Act is meant to provide.
It was the U.S. which pioneered the pursuit of the concept of
whistle-blowing. It started as an exposure of unsafe working
conditions and practices in private factories by some employees.
This produced a positive response from the government which
amended several statutes providing protection to such employees
from managerial reprisal. Some examples are the Toxic Substances
Control Act, Water Pollution Act, Fair Labour Standards Act,
Occupational Safety & Health Act, etc. This developed into a
general ethical resistance to any type of lawlessness and fraud,
especially in government agencies, by employees who had no other
motivation except to ``sleep well at night.'' A few sensational
cases dramatised the potential of such exposures:
(i) Employees who pointed out defective seals in the Challenger
Space Shuttle (which exploded within minutes of the launch in
1986) were overruled in order to avoid postponing the announced
date of launch.
(ii) In 1968, Ernest Fitzerald, an employee, exposed the
collusion between Defence officials and contractors.
(iii) In 1970, Frank Serpico, a New York policeman, exposed the
corruption in his department.
Several interesting non-governmental initiatives followed such
exposures. Some of them were:
(i) Ralph Nader, the consumer activist, organised the first
whistle-blowers conference in 1971.
(ii) A group of attorneys set up the Government Accountability
Project and convened the second whistle-blowers conference in
1977.
(iii) An organisation called Coalition to Stop Government Waste
instituted an annual whistle-blower Patriot Award.
(iv) A public interest attorney, John Phillips, got passed the
False Claims Amendment Act in 1986 according to which a whistle-
blower who exposed a fraud in government was entitled to a share
of the amount recovered from the guilty party.
(v) A book, The Labour Lawyer's Guide to the rights and
responsibilities of a whistle-blower was published to enable
lawyers to defend whistle-blowers from harassment by employers.
(vi) In 1978, Congress passed the Inspector General Act
authorising the audit and investigation of complaints from
employees on the functioning of federal agencies and providing
immunity to employees from departmental action.
As a climax to all these developments, the Senate and the House
passed the Whistle-blowers Protection Bill unanimously in 1988
but it was vetoed by President Reagan. (It was predictable
behaviour on the part of a person who called the Occupational
Safety & Health Act a ``pernicious watchdog'' and asserted that
``trees caused more pollution than automobiles.'' But, strangely,
the Bill has not been revived by any of Reagan's successors or
even by Congress. Experience of whistle-blowing in the U.S. shows
that it calls for extraordinary emotional fortitude on the part
of a whistle-blower, and that without exception both private and
public sector managements consistently unleashed harsh reprisals.
It was the employee's own courage and the support from external
agencies like NGOs and the media that have finally compelled
corrective action. Literature does not indicate the presence of a
strong or active whistle-blowers movement in any other country.
Tackling corruption needs two things: the will and the weapon.
The Chief Vigilance Commissioner's point is that the former does
not fall entirely within his control, especially at the political
level. All that he can do is to sharpen existing weapons, procure
new weapons and plead passionately for their use. The available
weapons as far as public servants are concerned are: conduct and
disciplinary rules, the Prevention of Corruption Act,
investigative agencies, propriety-oriented procedures, audit and,
of course, complaints. The CVC has been actively initiating
action and making suggestions on all these. Why, then, do we need
whistle-blowing?
Advantages
As an anti-corruption tool, whistle-blowing has the following
advantages:
(i) An insider has first-hand, fresh information compared to an
external investigative agency. He may, therefore, be able to
supply clinching evidence for pinning down the guilty.
(ii) An insider may give early warning signals which may help
abort corruption.
(iii) Protecting whistle-blowers may deter corrupt behaviour by
others.
(iv) Protection to whistle-blower employees will place honest
employees right in the centre of administration unlike the
present situation where they are often helpless spectators, or
are bullied into acquiescence by their corrupt colleagues and
superiors who dominate the department.
(v) Making whistle-blowing official and acceptable would obviate
anonymous petitioning and unauthorised leaks to the media.
(vi) The common law expects every citizen to report the
occurrence of, or attempts to commit, a cognisable offence. Why,
then, should any employee not have the right to report corruption
in his own department?
Problems
As against this, protection to whistle-blowing may throw up the
following problems and issues:
(a) Any department or organisation needs to be an internally
cohesive entity with a certain degree of mutual trust and
dependability among employees. If every employee is a potential
``squealer,'' will this not destroy trust, teamwork and open
communication, and create fear and suspicion in their place?
(Remember Communist Russia encouraging children to spy on their
parents?)
(b) In every organisation there is an unwritten code of silence
which expects every employee to be loyal to the others to the
extent of not betraying them. If this code is broken, there are
umpteen ways of humiliating or harrassing the employee without
recourse to formal disciplinary action. At the least, such
employees may be marginalised by being assigned to
inconsequential posts or remote stations. At worst, they may be
subjected to intimidation or physical assault if the interests of
political goondas are involved.
(c) Officially encouraged whistle-blowing may discourage corrupt
behaviour. What if it also discourages initiative and the
willingness to take bold, quick decisions, and encourages
negativism, defensiveness and procrastination?
(d) Unlike a stranger or a casual acquaintance against whom one
makes a complaint of lawlessness, colleagues and bosses are
people with whom one has to live day in and day out. Even if
whistle-blowing was morally justified, how many employees would
be willing to face organisational ostracism?
(e) In the present politically and morally vitiated
administrative environment, is there not a risk of whistle-
blowing being used to blackmail colleagues or even bosses? Even
if it is found to be baseless later, what about the mental agony
and the adverse publicity that an honest victim of dishonest
whistle-blowing has to go through?
(f) The political executive will not agree to whistle-blowing
covering the conduct of Ministers. Very few subordinates will
have the courage to blow the whistle on top officers. Ultimately,
the big game hunters will all go scot free and only the small fry
will get caught. Is it then really worth the trouble?
(g) Millions of ordinary citizens face corruption everyday at the
cutting edge of administration. Employees at this level usually
gang up and operate an unwritten Mamool Manual. It is doubtful
whether whistle-blowing can impact this level of administration
at all.
(h) If we can permit whistle-blowing, then why not go the whole
hog and introduce electronic surveillance in all offices?
Balancing pros and cons
It is now necessary to balance the pros and cons and take a view
on whether or not whistle-blowing has a net advantage. The
following considerations are relevant in this connection:
(a) There is a saying that all that is needed for evil to prevail
is for good men to do nothing. Any reform which puts power in the
hands of the good and the honest, therefore, deserves earnest
consideration. It is necessary to rescue the administration from
the corrupt hijackers and it is only the empowered honest who can
do it.
(b) C. D. Deshmukh once said in Parliament, ``Corruption can be
eliminated not by mere disapproval but by a fanatical intolerance
of it.'' Maybe whistle-blowing, once legalised and encouraged,
would fan the resistance of the few into a fanatical intolerance
of the many.
(c) Most books on management emphasise the importance of
encouraging dissent and managing it in the interests of the
organisation. Whistle-blowing is a form of dissent. Unlike
dissent on business goals and strategies on which different views
are possible, whistle-blowing has an unimpeachable moral basis
and needs to be given a legal basis.
(d) However lofty and desirable an idea may be, putting it into
practice cannot be done on blind faith and has to consider
organisational and cultural realities. The idea itself needs to
be defined precisely and operationally.
(e) Norman Bowie, in his book Business Ethics, has suggested the
following norms for legitimate whistle-blowing:
(i) should spring from moral and not selfish motives
(ii) should have exhausted internal remedies first
(iii) should be based on evidence that would normally persuade a
reasonable person
(iv) the whistle-blower should perceive serious consequences if
the whistle is not blown
(v) should be related to his or her normal responsibilities in
the organisation.
These norms are sound enough to start with and could be fine-
tuned based on experience.
(f) Violation of the above norms should be punishable. Adherence
to the norms need not be specially rewarded as the intention is
to empower employees with high moral values to assert themselves
on principle and not with an eye on rewards.
(g) Should whistle-blowing be a right or a duty? Once immunity is
given to an employee whistle-blower, does it not follow that
``not blowing the whistle when he ought to'' should be treated as
connivance? To start with, at least All India Service Officers
should not only be empowered to blow the whistle but made duty-
bound to do so even if it involves Ministers.
(h) A good way of implementing the idea would be to try it out as
pilot projects in a few offices of sensitive departments like
PWD, Excise, Commercial Taxes and Registration and learn from
experience before extending, modifying or abandoning the
experiment.
(i) Internal whistle-blowing - that is, approaching higher levels
in one's own department without any restriction - may be first
tried out before allowing access directly to external government
agencies like CVC, CBI, CAG, etc. Similarly, access to these
external agencies directly may be experimented with before
allowing direct access to external agencies like the media, MPs,
etc. Progress from one stage to the next should depend on how
well the idea takes root and how healthily it grows.
Other qualities
Anti-corruption campaigns tend to create the impression that
corruption is the only obstacle to progress and that once it is
contained, the land will flow with milk and honey. For the
country to progress, it is not enough to be honest; it is also
necessary to be sincere, disciplined, generally law-abiding,
hard-working, efficient and a host of other things. Corruption,
to the extent it bypasses or marginalises these other qualities,
is a symptom of their absence. Separate, positive action is,
therefore, needed to promote and reward these other qualities.
For example, supporting whistle-blowing by a subordinate is an
indirect admission that the head of the department may not be
honest and cannot always be depended upon to check corruption.
The solution, surely, is to make sure that top officials are
properly selected, rightly motivated and wisely deployed. If this
is done, whistle-blowing, instead of appearing to be an external
graft, would merge with the normal interaction between bosses and
subordinates.
Rajaji with characteristic foresight, said in 1912: ``Elections
and their corruptions will make our life hell as soon as freedom
is given to us.'' Many believe this has come true. Maybe whistle-
blowing will provide just the shock the system needs and arouse
public conscience.
P. K. DORAISWAMY
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