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The harvesting of votes in agriculture
By S. Swaminathan
The bedlam in the Lok Sabha recently on the aborted attempts of
the Congress to fault the NDA Government for reported distress
sales of agricultural commodities in some parts of the country
shows how the winds are blowing in the electoral calculations of
the leading political parties. That the farming community
represents a huge electoral constituency is no new discovery but
its significance as an emerging critical segment in vote-bank
politics has to be gauged in the context of a democratic process
which seems to have reached a point of fatigue where ideology has
quietly yielded place to the pragmatism of the ``cash and carry"
type! The frantic efforts made by almost all political parties in
the Opposition - from the Congress, the progenitor of the reform
process, to the Left parties which have swung all the way from
land reform in favour of the kulak class - to play up the so-
called ``agony and misery" of the farming community arising from
the decline in market prices of agricultural commodities, need to
be set in perspective rather than be misconstrued as a critique
of whatever passes for agricultural policy.
Why are agricultural prices sliding?
In an economy where inflation is ruling around 7.5 per cent
(based on wholesale prices), it is indeed intriguing why the
prices of agricultural commodities overall have shown not more
than a one per cent rise (April-October 2000). Open market wheat
and rice prices have declined by 1.8 and 7.6 per cent
respectively, according to official data. Jowar, bajra, ragi and
maize have suffered a worse decline in prices.
Copra has fared worst of all with more than a 40 per cent decline
in prices over the first seven months of the current year. A
gross generalisation of the situation would be to say that the
terms of trade have abruptly turned against agriculture during
the last two years, meaning that price recovery for farm produce
has not been commensurate with the escalation in input costs. (Of
the latter, there could be different verdicts depending upon
whether zero power tariffs and ridiculously low water charges
continue to operate in different regions).
When it relates to cash crops such as sugarcane, tobacco and
plantation crops, the issue of mismatches between production and
demand in the domestic markets as well as in export markets (in
terms of fluctuations in global supplies), becomes a crucial
matter for policymakers intending to provide corrective measures.
Farmers' suicides
Traumatic stories of how farmers, unable to come to terms with
the harsh realities of plummeting market prices for the produce
they raise, were believed to have committed suicide, do add a
poignant dimension to the whole situation. Nevertheless the
tendency to magnify these episodes into a deep-rooted national
agricultural crisis, apart from being erroneous, constitutes a
form of distraction from the real dilemmas of agricultural
policy. It is well-known that in quite a number of cases of
suicide, the acute moral crisis of individuals oppressed by the
burden of indebtedness not always derived from farming
commitments is the real cause. The agony is all the greater when
the individual is prone to unsustainable social habits or to the
cultivation of crops contrary to the logic of the agronomic
conditions of the land or whatever. The point is that instances
of suicide of farmers, here and there, ought not to be
politicised or portrayed as the vicious manifestations of a
market culture.
Policy correctives - at what price?
At the political level, there would appear to be two different
perspectives on the phenomenon of declining prices of
agricultural commodities. The first is to blame it all on that
universal whipping boy - the World Trade Organisation. An example
of this absolutist anti-WTO approach is the recent reported
statement of Mr. Vilasrao Deshmukh, the Chief Minister of
Maharashtra. Of course, as a leader of the Congress, Mr. Deshmukh
has no doubt about the anti-farmer policies of the Union
Government.
The irony of it is that the NDA Government, despite all its
pretensions about shaping a new agricultural policy, has been
showing a degree of fidelity to the policies of the Congress
governments at the Centre in the Seventies and thereafter, which
makes a true mockery of the ``reforms mindset." But Mr. Deshmukh
believes that farmers and ``growers" (of sugarcane?) are in
distress because the Centre has decided to ``sign the WTO and
other agreements which allowed unrestricted flow of products." Is
it true that India is now importing rice, wheat and sugar? That
horticultural products from Australia, New Zealand and the U.S.
are offered for sale in the supermarkets in the metropolitan
cities of India, is a fact, however. If this argument about the
WTO ruining the Indian farmer is valid, how about our
agricultural exports - of basmati rice, of wheat, vegetables and
fruits?
The second perspective on the agricultural price debacle is that
it is the result of the failure of the NDA Government to protect
the farmers through the inherited policy of guarantee of
remunerative prices. If tobacco prices crash, Mr. Chandrababu
Naidu would like the Centre to buy the crop and lodge it in the
cramped godowns of the State Trading Corporation! When tea prices
hit the bottom, the solution is for the Government to purchase
the commodity at reasonably attractive prices and debit the
accounts of the tax-payers!
And so with every crop which farmers would raise depending on how
they read their own destinies! Is it at all sustainable - a
Government policy that seeks to insulate the agricultural economy
from risks of various kinds through a universal course of support
prices?
What began in the Sixties as a buffer stock policy for
stabilisation of agricultural prices has today grown into a
Frankenstein monster. WTO or no WTO, such a politically-driven
agricultural policy cannot but negate the rudiments of
agricultural progress which lie in rational crop selection, food
security linking availability with access, enhanced productivity
and effective management of scarce water resources and above all
transforming agriculture from a traditional occupation into a
vibrant growth-sector of the national economy.
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