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Wednesday, December 06, 2000

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A welcome signal

PAKISTAN'S CONSIDERED DECISION to observe ``maximum restraint'' along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir is a positive development in the context of India's current initiative for a Ramzan-related ceasefire in the State. No less significant is the parallel affirmation by Islamabad of a desire for a ``meaningful dialogue'' with India on the Kashmir dispute. However, Pakistan will do well to enhance the substance of its offer by expressing an explicit commitment to revive the Lahore process and explore the avenues for confidence-building measures (CBMs) in conjunction with India. It requires no insight to recognise that any categorical move by Pakistan towards a policy pronouncement of this magnitude will suit its tactical and strategic purposes as well. In fact, the hawks in New Delhi's political establishment will then find it less defensible to stick to their position of non-engagement. Since last year's Kargil conflict, the Vajpayee administration has remained hostile to the idea of any engagement with Pakistan in the absence of a perceivable halt to its transparent support for ``cross-border terrorism''. Now, notwithstanding this arguably `moralist' formulation by New Delhi, the bilateral ambience will dramatically improve if Pakistan opts for a positive pledge in regard to the inter- related issues of the Lahore process and CBMs.

Statesmanship demands that New Delhi, too, assess the emerging context in a perspective framework beyond the myopic range of tit-for-tat gamesmanship. Best avoided is the temptation to score debating points with an eye to presumed international opinion. This elementary prudence requires reiteration because the Defence Minister, Mr. George Fernandes, has reportedly made the point that Pakistan's latest pledge of military restraint is proof of its confession to a practised policy of firing across the Line of Control. This may be smart politics, given the obvious imperative of maintaining the utmost vigil on the Indian side of the Line of Control, but it simply is bad diplomacy without prejudice to the ground realities. Having made a carefully-crafted move of declaring a unilateral ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir, New Delhi must not falter in sizing up the spin-off effect of Pakistan's limited but significant announcement. For India, what is at stake now is nothing less than a fresh opportunity to consider Pakistan's stated willingness to renew the bilateral dialogue as the concomitant of its military ``restraint''.

The totality of Islamabad's statement reflects in its own nuanced shift towards the primacy of tripartite talks involving Pakistan, India as also its separatist-militants and Pakistan-identified ``true representatives'' of the Kashmiri people. However, a resumption of parleys with Islamabad can be explored even without New Delhi having to rethink its line against the tripartite format. Pakistan is certainly cognisant of the favourable international support for New Delhi's latest ceasefire strategy. India's efforts within its domestic context to address the grievances of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, including those of the separatist-militants, have indeed reached a delicate stage now. So, New Delhi should sustain this momentum, too, while evaluating the scope for talks with Pakistan on an altogether separate track that has been historically defined by the Shimla Agreement of 1972 and the Lahore Declaration of 1999. Overall, the definitive context of Islamabad's new offer has qualitatively distinguished it from the earlier statements by the Pakistan Chief Executive, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, of his willingness to hold talks with India at any time, at any place and at any level. The Vajpayee administration should not, therefore, slam the door on the idea of resuming talks with Pakistan on issues of immediate interest. This will be compatible with the principle of direct talks between New Delhi and the Kashmiri groups.

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