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Delay in Florida hardens N. Korean position
From F.J. Khergamvala
TOKYO, DEC. 11. When the U.S. Secretary of State, Ms. Madeleine
Albright, visited Pyongyang in October, it did raise hopes that
the U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton, would follow up with a
historic opening that would widen the bridge between North Korea
and the West.
As each day passes without the impasse in the U.S. Presidential
contest being unresolved, it makes it very difficult for North
Korea to make and seek concessions on which a new U.S. President
would be able to deliver. The North Korean leadership has been
seen as being very adept at reading domestic political trends
that impact on foreign policy, especially in the U.S. and North
Korea.
Mr. Bush's advisors had indicated that they would adopt a tougher
line on North Korea. This may or may not turn out to be true, if
Mr. Bush succeeds Mr. Clinton, but for face value assessment
purposes, it is sufficient to caution Mr. Kim Jong Il and prompt
him not to place his missiles on the bargaining counter. This
caution acquires added significance in the context of the present
super charged partisan atmosphere in Washington DC, and the
considerable difficulty any U.S. President is expected to
encounter in getting Congressional approval for economic aid to
North Korea in return for Pyongyang abandoning its long range
missile programme.
The Clinton Administration's National Security Advisor, Mr.
Samuel Berger, told a news conference last week that there was
still a possibility of Mr. Clinton visiting Pyongyang before his
term expires on January 20. The basis of Mr. Berger's cautious
optimism does not seem to have come across clearly to analysts.
There has been no corresponding positive indication at all from
Pyongyang. So far as is known there have been no known high level
meetings between U.S. and North Korean officials to narrow down
the differences sufficiently enough to produce a Clinton visit.
The Albright mission fairly late in October was followed by a
hurriedly arranged three-day session in Kuala Lumpur between high
level officials from the U.S. and North Korea to discuss missile
related trade offs. That meeting, in early November, ended with
U.S. officials commenting that ``significant issues'' remained
unexplored and unresolved. That put paid to hopes that Mr.
Clinton would round off his east Asia-Pacific summit and Vietnam
visits in November with a historic visit to North Korea.
Terms like ``step by step'' progress, ``there was no time-table''
were employed by American officials to gloss over the lack of
adequate progress in talks on missile issues. The U.S. State
Department spokesman also said that the goal of the Kuala Lumpur
talks were to ``clarify positions,'' leaving students wondering
what exactly was achieved in seven hours of talks in Pyongyang
between Mr. Kim and Ms. Albright.
It became fairly obvious that all that the Kuala Lumpur talks did
were to keep the door open to a visit. There was much
anticipation that Ms. Albright might announce a breakthrough in a
speech to the National Press Club.
But, speaking even before the U.S.-North Korean talks were
formally concluded, she said ``America's immediate interest is to
make gains on core security issues,'' notably an end to North
Korea's missile development programme, a permanent moratorium on
long range missile tests and restrictions on exports of North's
missiles and technology to Pakistan, Iran etc.
The U.S. agreed to facilitate arrangements for the launch of
North Korea's non-military satellites by third parties.
The stumbling block, according to Ms. Albright was, that Mr. Kim
had not clarified what North Korea expects by way of direct
economic assistance in return for curbs on the missile programme.
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