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A poll on peace?
Elections in Israel are likely to be held in February. KESAVA
MENON takes a look at the contestants and the prospects for West
Asian peace.
TWO FORMER army Generals and a Captain, all three of them special
forces types, appear set to be the chief contenders in the
Israeli elections likely to be held in February. It goes without
saying that those who have exposed themselves to the greatest
physical risk in the conduct of public affairs should be entitled
to run for the highest office in the land. But perceptive
Israelis point out that their country can never be a normal one
so long as a candidate's competence and dedication in security
matters outweigh all other considerations in the minds of his
electors.
It is not of course merely tradition, which teaches the Jews that
they are a nation apart, or a history of being persecuted that
hones the Israelis' sensitivity to their security. They are
currently living in a tough neighbourhood that might have been
getting a little easier but, as events of the past three months
have shown, can still be extremely volatile. The force of this
racial memory makes them overlook one of the most significant
facts of the current Palestinian uprising. Over three months of
violent confrontation there have barely been two or three attacks
on Israelis inside Israel proper. Most of the Palestinian anger
has been directed at Israelis who wander about the Palestinian
territories - soldiers and residents of the illegal Jewish
settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
This one fact seems to amply prove the Palestinian claim that
they have made the strategic choice for peace. They recognise
Israel's right to exist on 80 per cent of the territory that was
British-mandated Palestine till 1948 and are only asking for the
right to set up their state on the remaining 20 per cent. The
fact that the Palestinians have made this major concession - a
far more significant concession than the slices of territory that
Israel has conceded to the Palestinians so far - has yet to sink
into the Israeli psyche. It also might not ever sink in so long
as there are Israeli politicians and writers who keep looking for
the slightest evidence that the Arabs have not given up their
long-term goal of erasing Israel from the map of West Asia.
Among the new evidence that has been drummed up in support of
this thesis is a speech that the Palestinian Authority President,
Mr. Yasser Arafat, is reported to have delivered at Cairo
University a few months ago. Mr. Arafat is reported to have said
that the peace deals that he had made or would be making with the
Israelis should be viewed as equivalent to the Hudaibiyya
agreement made in the early days of Islam. The doctrine
underlying the treaty that the early Muslims made at the place
called Hudaibiyya was that they were not strong enough to
overwhelm their opponents and so must make an interim peace till
they had built up the strength to achieve their ambitions.
It is possible that Mr. Arafat might have merely been playing to
the gallery at a difficult time and to explain his position to
his fellow Arabs at a time of transition between confrontation
and a possible peace. However, the speech produced the immediate
reflexive response from a section of Israeli society that with
the Arab objectives being such Israel would be stupid to give up
the strategic assets - the high ground in the West Bank, the
Jordan valley and the Gaza Strip junctions - that it currently
holds. With the uprising of the last three months, especially
with its spread to the Israeli Arabs, those propagating this view
have found a more receptive audience.
Yet, opinion polls consistently show that a very definite
majority of Israelis are in favour of peace with the
Palestinians. This majority opinion holds despite the categorical
clarity of the Palestinian position that they will not end their
confrontation with Israel unless Israel ends its occupation of
all the territory captured in the 1967 war including East
Jerusalem. If the Palestinian terms for peace are so clear and
yet a majority of Israelis still favour a peace, then the logical
conclusion is that a majority of Israelis support the acceptance
of the Palestinian terms. Unfortunately politics rarely follows
such a logical or linear path.
Neither Captain Benjamin Netanyahu nor General Ariel Sharon, the
two right-wing politicians jostling to become the main rival to
General Ehud Barak in the elections, will make a peace on the
Palestinian terms. Mr. Netanyahu leads Mr. Barak by a sizeable
margin in the opinion polls and Mr. Sharon by a slight one. This
fact should lead to a conclusion, opposite to the one made above,
that a majority of Israelis are not in favour of major land
transfers and that they are not, therefore, in a mood to meet the
Palestinians terms. But that conclusion too does not seem to be
quite on the mark.
From the moves he has made over the past one and a half years,
Mr. Barak appears to be inching towards the realisation that a
peace can only be made on the Palestinian's terms. He cannot and
will not, of course, say so, but he is still prepared to make a
deal and realistically-speaking this is the only basis on which a
peace can be made. If Mr. Barak still calculates that a peace
deal is the only achievement that will ensure his re-election,
and if a number of sober and serious Israeli analysts agree with
him, then the overall logic of the situation ought to be that a
majority of Israelis will accept a deal that is honourable and
has enough in it to guarantee their security.
Perhaps the only way in which Israelis can be induced to believe
in their long-term security is by making them aware of the other
possibilities that are open to them beyond their security
concerns. An Israel that can enter into cooperative economic and
social relations with its neighbours should logically be one that
is more secure. The former commando, Mr. Barak has to now prove
that he can develop such a vision and convey it convincingly to
his people.
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