|
Online edition of India's National Newspaper Sunday, December 17, 2000 |
|
Front Page |
National |
Southern States |
Other States |
International |
Opinion |
Business |
Sport |
Miscellaneous |
Features |
Classifieds |
Employment |
Index |
Home |
|
Features
| Previous
| Next
The Arun Shourie of the left
We have been noticing with joy and respect the attitude your
esteemed newspaper has been taking in relation to issues related
to justice, especially to those in distress- economic social and
political. There have been a number of pieces on the Sardar
Sarovar Project, after the Judgment which have improved our
knowledge and built public opinion, a critical space in the
democratic process.
The odd piece, the funny bone however, is the one by Ramachandra
Guha - (Sunday, November 26, The Hindu) - someone who admittedly
made the useful move of using his skills as a good mind and a
reputed scholar, to record significant uprisings for justice in
India such as the Chipko Andolan. Whose acceptance and veneration
by those in struggle is because of the way he used his own
special capabilities to widen the knowledge base and support for
such important experiences such as the Chipko Andolan.
He upbraids Arundhati Roy for having encroached on the space of a
mass-based struggle such as the NBA saying he, like her, is on
the side of the NBA struggle, and against nuclearisation but,
she, he says, who he has heard has written a good book (Really
Mr. Guha, for such a literate person who obviously reads
newspapers at least, we cannot believe you do not know of the
Booker prize or the name of the book? Who are you kidding Sir?)
is ill-equipped and a liability to the peoples movement. He then
goes on, like the School Master of yester year, go back and write
books. Do not dabble in using your skills to support these
movements.
Why Mr. Guha? Only you should claim visibility and respect,
iconhood, as someone from the ivory tower who is a noble hero and
supports causes? Reserved seats? What is it that while supporting
the cause, makes you so careless that you cast a stone at this
delicate juncture in the history of people's struggles and the
judiciary and the State? An anxiety that I am sure is in your
nervous system too?
We are all puzzled. Some say men are threatened and lose balance
when they are dealing with a woman in the same space, who is not
only strong and respected, but also beautiful. In some times in
history, say Joan of Arc, and in some spaces in modern India too,
they burnt them as witches. Thank God, we can now do our venting
on print.
Others say, that it is exploiting the space in papers that
celebrity bashing gives. A notable instance is the way John
Bailey, Iris Murdoch's husband and one time a member of the Jury
for the Booker Prize, using his closeness to Iris, as she was
declining with Alzheimers disease, wrote books and articles about
it, which were a sell out , as Iris's fans were longing to hear
about her. But poor Iris, who by the way was my tutor, when she
was still teaching Moral Philosophy, and who was the more
brilliant and more personality strong of the two, was not alive
to see how undignified it was and how demeaning. She was such a
shy and private person and he had simply stripped her in public.
But he had a sell out.
This a puzzlement.
Devaki Jain
Bangalore
I agree with almost everything you say. Yet at the end of it one
is left with a bad taste in the mouth.
There are two problems with Arundhati, one is the style and one
is the substance. Her style doesn't appeal to me, but I don't
mind it. Like you, I prefer Orwell, but I don't want everyone to
write like Orwell, and I think that there is also a place for
Arundhati's more emotional style, especially when it comes to
issues like nuclear weapons, where some people really need a
wake-up call. I am more concerned with the substance (e.g. the
romanticisation of tribal life, etc.). But that's where one would
have wished (in your article) more engagement with her arguments,
and less focus on the person. I guess this would have required a
longer article.
Anyway, it was a gutsy article, and I am sure that it will lead
to some interesting discussion.
Jean Dreze
Dear Ram,
I largely endorse your criticism of Arundhati's largely
emotionally argued pieces in The Outlook. Arundhati is unable to
create a distance between the Subject and Self and her analysis
is more emotional than rational, and therefore capable of being
appropriated even by a Gurumurthy or a Govind Acharya. The new
grammar of development politics is becoming very intolerant. For
instance both Arundhati and Medha Patkar show a public distaste
for terms like "investment" or "markets".
Markets have existed right through history and cannot be wished
away in a whimsical manner. I think any form of sustainable
empowerment of the deprived can happen only within the framework
of the Market and State combine. The State's role of course is to
appropriate the surpluses and divert to the poor, whether it is
water, electricity or other public good.
M. K. Venu
An economic journalist
Ram is a friend and I write because I am pained by his style and
tenor and the damage that he potentially does to the fragile
struggles for justice and social sanity in our country. I also
write because it is unusual for someone of his sensitivity and
experience to make some basic political mistakes in both the
timing of his article and his understanding of the role of those
who respond to their conscience and commit themselves to critical
cultural and political issues in the country.
Ram's overall tone sounds surprisingly hostile. For someone who
has not only been an ideologue of the struggles of the
underprivileged and unsung (note his work with the Subaltern
group of scholars as well as his work on the social and
ecological history of Garhwal in particular and also of India),
it is surprising that he would sit in judgment of a writer who
has so widely been accepted by a majority of the victims of the
Narmada dams.
If he was indeed concerned about the adverse impact that
Arundhati's writings and her presence were having on the Narmada
movement, he should have first gone to the Narmada valley and sat
with the movement people and gauged their sensibilities and their
sentiment. They have wholeheartedly accepted the role that
Arundhati has played. You can argue that this is false
consciousness, but it cannot be refuted that at a time when
middle class support to the struggle in the valley was waning,
Arundhati was one of the few who actively participated in some of
the most difficult actions, faced the wrath of the police and
went through arduous treks to express her solidarity with the
lives and livelihoods of the local people.
In the final analysis, they are the final arbiter and if
concerned people like Ram and this author have to engage the
movement on issues we have differences with, it is only
appropriate that this is first done with those who have the most
to lose. This is not to say that there is no role for the
intellectual to assess social processes without immersion I them.
In this case, however, Ram is a 'movement' person and has to
exercise a different kind of caution and responsibility.
Ram criticises Arundhati for her thinking in extremes and yet
falls into the same pattern when he criticises her for sharing
RSS sensibilities. Almost since the inception of the nationalist
movement and even in the statements from social and political
movements among adivasis before that, there has been a debate on
the developmental path that a community, region or India must
follow if it has to secure sustainable livelihoods for all its
people. The developmental path of the past thirty years has
massively destroyed or undermined the ecological fabric of the
country (threatening the livelihoods and cultures of millions),
doubled the gap between the poor and the rich and only marginally
assisted the poor to secure assets that can provide critical
security from the vagaries of climate, hostile markets, even from
social oppression. In this situation, there is legitimacy for
groups of people and for several of India's social movements to
chart a path that fundamentally criticises the present
developmental path. Ram surely believes in the plurality of ideas
and developmental paths co-existing. Why should a critique of
present patterns of economic development or of the profound
problems with the enterprise of modern science be a space that
only the RSS can occupy? By comparing Arundhati's ideas with
those of the RSS, he gives up the space for alternative
development to the RSS. This is political understanding with
grave consequences. While I share his concern about
romanticisation of tribal life, it is in engaging people like
Arundhati in the realities, histories and dreams of Adivasi
communities in India (and the variations within each community)
that a better purpose would have been served. His criticism could
easily be used by those who see no other future for the adivasis
but to "integrate them into the mainstream" on terms over which
they have little or no control. Democracy must rest on informed
consent and not on the arrogance of those who believe that their
model of development is in the "national interest' just because
they have been elected to power.
At a time of growing middle class apathy to the most critical
issues of development, justice and democracy, the commitment of
writers acting on their conscience and using the popular media to
highlight these issues is critical in sensitising the middle
classes and creating wider awareness amongst them. I have myself
been witness to the dozens of young people, primarily inspired by
her articles, who have since traveled to the Narmada valley (many
several times) and committed themselves to the struggle there.
Sensitising the youth about the struggles for justice in valleys
far beyond their daily life is a crucial achievement. Ashish
Kothari and Rajiv Bhartari's articles in the Economic and
Political Weekly have another space, a more activist and
scholarly space. In fact, we need more artists and literary
writers and poets to respond to their conscience and commit
themselves to the essential tasks of widening the sensitivity of
the middle classes to the unjust and undemocratic processes in
the country. The role of better known members of the writer and
artists community needs to be celebrated and widened. Let me
randomly cite some diverse examples - Mahashweta Devi's support
to adivasis in eastern India. Shabana Azmi's central role in the
Nivara Hakk Samiti, fighting for the rights of slum and pavement
dwellers in Mumbai, the role of singers like the Vadali brothers
or of writers like Zohra Sehgal. The role of some of India's best
known artists - for instance mobilised around SAHMAT (Safdar
Hashmi Memorial Trust) - in issues as wide ranging and
communalism and nuclear weapons or the work of Jatin Das in the
aftermath of the gruesome tragedy of post-cyclone Orissa are
other instances of privileged people of the arts responding to
the call of their conscience and politically and culturally
committing themselves to the wider struggle for justice and peace
in India and beyond.
At a time in which we are under such a significant onslaught -
both internal and external - it is incumbent upon us to
understand who are allies are. When Lal Krishna Advani attacks
those who oppose India's nuclear weapons programme and dams as
"anti-national", when across the country we are becoming slavish
in our almost uncritical acceptance of a consumerist, lifestyle
that sacrifices the short and long term security of a majority of
India's people, when so much of activism is becoming
individualised and the collective political forums - from unions
to radical parties and forums - are in crisis, we need to
acknowledge that this is a time when new alliances have to
forged, when we must lay aside (whilst being aware of them) our
small differences in the broad left and mould a common strategy
together.
Three other smaller errors:
1. Ram errs when he labels the Narmada movement as an
"environmental' movement. I can only quote from a recent article
of mine that addresses this issue: "The classification or
labelling as 'environmental' of the myriad ways in which
predominantly rural communities have struggled, fought repression
and resisted co-optation is itself a problem. This classification
has come primarily from the media but also from scholars and
activists who do not adequately understand the nature, the
context and the history of these struggles. An inevitable
simplification has resulted where complex socio-cultural and
political struggles are reduced as being those that are only
concerned about elements of the natural environment - the Chipko
movement is then only about preventing felling, the Narmada
Bachao Andolan is anti-dam, the Kashtakari Sangathna wants
control over land and forests, etc.
These three movements as well as the ones mentioned above are
essentially political movements and while they differ
significantly from one another, they are fundamentally different
from identity (e.g. Dalit) or industrial working class or
unorganised labour mobilisations. The primary difference is that
while they seek a fundamental transformation of existing socio-
economic structures, including the very patterns of political and
economic development, they are centred on rights and control over
productive natural resources...."
2. There are several inaccuracies when Ram says that after
reading Ashish Kothari and Rajiv Bhartari's article, "....Medha
Patkar was encouraged to move from social work in Mumbai to
mobilising activists in Madhya Pradesh." While the article may
have been a small inspiration, there were other more crucial
factors. Medha was in the Panchmahals working on a project for
SETU-Lokayan when the Kothari-Bhartari article appeared. She
first went to the Narmada valley on a SETU project, went to
Maharashtra (with legal activist, Vasudha Dhagamvar) and not M.P.
and only later decided to move to the valley full time. It was
the pioneering work of activists like Anil Patel and Ambrish of
ARCH-Vahini in Rajpipla and the early legal battles in Gujarat's
courts that had helped to highlight the plight of the displaced.
3. Ram identifies the 1970s as the beginning of protests at the
sites of large dams. In fact, it is important to acknowledge the
historic struggle in the 1960s around the Rihand dam in the
Singrauli region on the border of U.P. and M.P. Ram Manohar Lohia
and socialist activists staged a remarkable struggle for justice,
which rocked Parliament and brought the social costs of large
dams into the centre of political concern.
Smitu Kothari
Delhi.
Dear Ram,
Your piece on Arundhati Roy has sparked much discussion so I
thought I would write to you about it. I agreed with what you
said in part, but was somewhat mystified at the level of
animosity that pervaded the piece. Why do you (along with Mahesh,
Rohan D'Souza, and Sainath) all hate Roy so much? I'm not asking
this as a Roy fan; I'm not one but then I don't hate her either.
I don't like her style; I think she writes with occasional
flashes of brilliance, but the self-indulgence puts me off. And I
agree she's said stupid things: the banana republic remark being
the most recent. But her essay on Narmada captures various
dimensions of the issues and renders them in a way that catches
the imagination. I think the essay was useful; it was widely read
and it brought the dam issue closer to a large elite audience.
For someone so new to the issue, she got many of the details
right without losing sight of the main argument (and I found her
outrage refreshing) about social justice. How many "celebrities"
employ their talents to vociferously take the side of a minority
(though I suppose you might argue that her stand on both Narmada
and the bomb is not really all that brave since both these issues
have been nurtured by a small but committed group of activists)?
And how many put their money where their mouth is? No, she's no
George Orwell. Yes, she is uninhibitedly flamboyant and that is
often a liability when the media concentrates on her rather than
on the issue she is promoting. I wish that in your essay you had
discussed this aspect a little more....
Amita Baviskar
Delhi.
Icompletely agree with what you have written. I particularly like
the comparison with Shourie, and it is good to remind people that
long before these things became fashionable, people especially
Anupam Mishra) were already writing about such issues.
Dr. Shobhit Mahajan
Delhi
Not only was your piece in The Hindu, very balanced and well-
expressed, it said something that need to be said. I'd been very
uneasy ever since I heard the 'banana republic' statement. I do
feel that if one wants a democracy one has to respect the
institutions of democracy. I'm glad you said all that.
Shashi Deshpande
Bangalore
Iwas inspired to write to you and thank you for voicing an
opinion that rises to the surface every time I see something
written by Arundhati Roy on Narmada, which I would term as pop
analysis. As you have implied, she says nothing new, and what she
does say is made trivial by the context she says it in. But like
you I have also been in a dilemma, as her involvement has
definitely given the movement a wider audience....
Roxanne Hakim
Washington D.C.
May I say that your article is very well written, with things put
in proper context. When I read Ms. Roy's article on the dam, I
felt vaguely uneasy about the 'larger than work' image of the
author that emerged so easily. In discussions with friends on
issues relating to politics, society, the environment, etc., I
have often seen that the ideological 'black and white' stance is
indicative of inner conflict regarding that particular issue and
that both extremes of view exist internally in strength, while
only one emerges externally....
Madhusudan A. Padmanabhan
Ministry of Defence
I appreciate the frankness in your article. While celebrity
endorsement of social issues like Aids Awareness and Gender
empowerment, i.e. issues where there is a total unanimity of the
goal and purpose is required to send the message across
forcefully, issues such as Sardar Sarovar Dam (SSD) cannot be
played on emotions. It's not a question of comparative inter-
state cost benefit analysis but involves a wider issue of making
water available to areas not having an access so far and changing
the lives of millions....
Arundhati's involvement in NBA I feel is for purely selfish
reasons. The statements she makes and the quality of her articles
(including the latest one in Outlook) are aimed at
sensationalising issues to catch the attention of pseudo
intellectual. Her careless and irresponsible "one-liners" are
very meticulously chosen so as to ensure that they catch the
attention of the western media. I would have appreciated her
"tiring journeys in inhospitable terrain" if it were done quietly
instead of carrying along a battery of photographers. I really
wonder who stands to gain from her involvement in NBA?
Arvind Kumar
Deputy Commissioner,
Commercial Taxes, A.P.
Guha's article lacked content and amounted to nothing more than
venomous personal attack. One may love or hate the form of
Arundhati Roy's writing - one may call the form 'self indulgent'
or 'hyperbole' but one can't replace that for the content. Guha
needs to engage with the content of her writing. It is precisely
this lack of engagement with the content that allows him to make
the absurd analogy between Arun Shourie and Arundhati Roy in
which the "left" and "right" almost sound like two opposing
cricket teams. What is the political ground on which Guha stands
when he makes this comparison - the space of the 'neutral'
umpire? His postscript in which he wonders why Arundhati Roy is
singling out the RSS for attack when she "seems to share the
RSS's understanding of politics" is so grossly wrong that one
wonders whether Guha has even read her article!
Guha should know that movements are not "owned" by groups or
individuals. Movements do not have to have only one voice. If
anything, the media is to blame for presenting Arundhati Roy as
the movement....
Janaki Abraham and
Shahana Bhattacharya
Delhi
Guha's attack on Arundhati Roy was vitriolic and disturbing. His
argument rests on a dubious distinction between the world of
"action" and the world of "contemplation". The latter, according
to him, is the world novelists should inhabit, except in a few
cases where he graciously grants permission for them to step out
of this niche. How then, is Guha different from the hundreds of
readers of Outlook who've been making precisely this argument
since Roy's Narmada essay came out in 1999?
What is more upsetting is the purist strain in Guha's rhetoric,
whereby "serious" pieces on environmentalism are separated from
pieces like Roy's, which are - to use a bad word - popular. From
here it is a short step to dismissing her arguments entirely,
claiming that she is in the business merely for publicity. If we
were all to unravel, the contradiction between our overwhelming
middle class aspirations and our activist selves, surely Mr. Guha
would be amongst those of us who live this contradiction?
While disagreeing with the writer on several other counts, Guha's
highly ambiguous remark that Roy seems to share the RSS's
understanding of politics deserves attention, as a remark both
unsubstantiated through a reading of the essay, as well as being
in very bad taste.
Ira Singh
Delhi
The tone of the piece is well judged and it displays an admirable
delicacy of judgment. Your comparison with Shourie is apt. I am
entirely in agreement with your conclusions, although I suspect
that there are large questions lurking in the background.... It
seems to me that in both Roy and Shourie's case there is more
than vanity at work. On reading your piece it struck me that the
two "institutional" devices that check such presumption seem
often to be very weak in India. One is a consensus on fair
procedures - the point of which is ultimately to resolve the
conundrum of Whose Authority? I am, as you probably know, no
great fan of the Indian State, but the utter contempt for
institutional forms and procedures that one often finds in Indian
public discourse worries me a good deal. I understand the
underlying frustrations and failures of the Indian state that
have brought us to such a pass, but it seems to me that our
"critical" consciousness ought to be a little more mindful of the
necessity for generating institutional forms that command
respect.... Of course, legalism and proceduralism have their own
serious limitations but it seems to me that many of our leading
public intellectuals seriously underestimate their importance. I
can't help wondering whether the hyperbolic style of our
discourse is as much a product of a lack of faith in any kind of
proceduralism as it is an artifact of passionate commitment to
substance. The more disillusioned and sceptical we are of formal
institutions to adjudicate matters the more easy it is to
convince ourselves that the only reason we lost was because we
were not shrill enough.
Pratap Bannu Mehta
The article was a bit harsh though but sometimes a provocative
title is necessary in order to make people read it. Anyone who
suggests (as she does) that the dam be left incomplete as a
museum for posterity as a proof of human foolishness (or
something like that) is obviously not very serious about the
cause! It is very important to point out that important social
issues cannot be reduced to the status of debating topics for
school boys. The idea is neither to win or lose an argument nor
to speak for and against nor to attempt a flamboyant advocacy of
this or that. Complex issues are often not divided between
morality or absence of morality but between one form of morality
and the other; one set of principles against the other.
Ultimately people like Roy end up harming the cause they are
meant to support. It is precisely in this sense that the Shouri
equation does not work. He serves the right very well.
Salim Misra
IGNOU, New Delhi
"The Arun Shourie of the left" was simply wonderful. It was about
time someone said it all.
Ravi Vyas
I was outraged when I began reading your article. But soon I was
convinced that your heart was in the right place, vis-a-vis big
dams and their supposed benefits.
I agree that attacking Supreme Court judges is hardly the way to
get them to give a favourable judgment. And no doubt careful,
measured pieces in the Economic and Political Weekly by scholarly
pundits, who have thought long and deep about the subject, ought
to carry more weight than that of a Jane-come-lately who devours
columns and columns in popular weeklies, and sways people not
just by her passion, but by her stylistic brilliance. As for your
advice to her to keep to fiction, do you mean to say these
weighty causes are better served by ho-hum articles?
Please, let's not punish her for being so readable. And pray, who
are we to tell her what to write and what not to write?
So let's forgive the little lady her self-indulgence, shall we? I
am sure you will agree that while means matter, the end result
counts too. If it means waking up at least one person who
actually does something about it, I say more power to Arundhati.
B. B. Subhash
Iam writing to congratulate you on the well-written critique of
celebrity involvements in popular movements. I think you have
really carefully addressed several problems and contradictions
inherent in an effort made by such a person as Ms. Roy to be a
torch bearer for a movement which in many ways has been always
shied away from glamour and tamaasha. Her involvement, while
sincere, has surely been strategically problematic for the NBA
especially in the context of the supreme court case. I hope for
the sake of the Valley she is listening and will desist from her
heartful, yet naive and ill informed, jeremiads.
Venkatachalam Suri
You have articulated with force, erudition and elegance, what
many like me have felt about Arundhati Roy (and Arun Shourie).
"The God of..." book is a work of raw talent I have always felt
that it is also a product of her brash smart-aleckiness. Ever
since the triumph of her book she has been unabashedly disdainful
of everyone else, including our nation. Hope your article will
have a salutary effect on her.
Jayadeva
Simova Education and
Research Pvt. Ltd.
Potshots at Miss People's Perfect Patron makes for a great Sunday
morning! I hope she reads your article carefully and either makes
the Pareto improvement or reviews her role seriously.
However, I'm sure she would have inspired many hyperventillating
types through all her tirades (bombs, dams, etc.), especially the
self-righteous NLS (Bangalore) women and who knows may be some
good may come out of that!
Nillen Putatunda
I've just finished reading the supplement to The Hindu and your
piece on the NBA and its more doubtful allies. Thank you for
giving a middle-of-the roader like myself a chance.
I'm a student of the National Law School and I confess that
interests such as corporate law, cricket and Rainer Maria Rilke
don't give me much of a chance to examine the pros and cons of
the Narmada issue in detail.
Nevertheless, I do seem to possess some kind of innate skepticism
which reacts against all views which border on the extreme.
As such, I was sick of this... person holding forth every week in
a magazine which I otherwise consider pretty entertaining. (Got a
little carried away there.)
Neelanjan Maitra
NLSIU, Bangalore
I have read all the articles written by Ms. Arundhati Roy,
referred to by Guha in this piece. I would like to disagree with
his views on Ms. Roy's writings.
She is probably the only writer today who has managed to express
and evoke emotions so freely from a philosophical view point that
has almost completely disappeared from the "mainstream" media.
Probably it is the highly academic orientation of the left-
oriented/environment/dalit writers that has alienated a
substantial number of young English speaking urban middle class
from reading such articles.
Only a person with a lot of patience and interest in the topic
will care to read such articles.
The need of the hour is to regain that lost foothold and bring
back at least some interest in developmental issues or problems
of globalisation or communalism....
Rajesh J. Kurup
Sasthamangalam, Trivandrum
As a long time skeptic of Roy's activism, I am particularly
thankful of your essay. I found it strong, true and poignant. I
can't say I read Roy's writing on the dam issues, but I did read
her essay on the bomb; and I found it, as you said, hyperbolic
and immature.
Vikas Kapur
How wonderful it is to discover that there are others whom Ms.
Roy annoys as profoundly as she does me! That Ms. Roy became a
champion of the anti-dam movement was in itself an indication
that it had lost momentum, and I have never been able to see how
the nonsense she breaks into print with could possibly benefit
any cause other than her own.
If her writing can be seen as indicative of the way her mind
works, then I have a sneaking suspicion that her unspoken slogan
may well be "After the Booker, the Peace Prize!"
Akila Seshasayee
I think the article summarises very well the feelings of many of
use who very often are actually on her side - particularly on
issues like the bomb, the almost fascist attitudes of the Gujarat
Govt., towards the NBA and other such movements or abt Enron. Her
shrill hectoring style definitely puts off people who would
otherwise be sympathetic.
Dr. Rahul Basu
Institute of Mathematical Sciences, Chennai
This is to congratulate you on your excellent protest against the
colonising of every conceivable arena by the brown, oriental and
female...!
It's a pity that most of those with the gift of words have
embraced silence on this matter - for, perhaps, fathomable
reasons; and ungifted mortals such as yours truly have only
fretted and fumed! Thanks again for finally so succinctly and
objectively raising an alarm that has consumed so many of us for
so long.
Anomita (Radha) Goswami
The article on Arudhati Roy's hysterical activism in support of
NBA is superb and so are the observation on, and comparison with,
Arun Shourie. I remember the crusading journalist who in Manila
thundered "Puffed up bullies have seized the State", while
accepting the Magsaysay award.
I also remember the clever rhetoric and selective quoting of
Ambedkar in "Worshipping False Gods". It is a delicious irony or
a logical journey of a person so righteous that he is now in the
company of the same puffed up bullies, and the weekend your
article appeared, he made a pilgrimage to placate (or worship) a
false god residing at Kalanagar, Mumbai?
Milton D'Silva
Your piece is a fine balance of sharp criticism and gentle
rebuke, laced with a suggestion that no novelist can complain
about.
Geetha J.
Ms. Roy's recent discovery of utopian socialism - 200 years after
the rest of the world - makes clear that she is a poor essayist.
Ashok Malik
I fully agree with your assessment of Roy's involvement in
various non-literary issues. If it weren't for her fame I doubt
anybody would have given credence to her pronouncements. Right
from her days of promoting GOST, I've had the opportunity to
listen to her in person and in the media, and have been
uncomfortable with her seeming lack of good judgment....
Balaji Venkateswaran
Send this article to Friends by E-Mail
|
|
Section : Features Previous : Healing begins at home Next : Perils of extremism | |
|
Front Page |
National |
Southern States |
Other States |
International |
Opinion |
Business |
Sport |
Miscellaneous |
Features |
Classifieds |
Employment |
Index |
Home | |
|
Copyrights © 2000 The Hindu Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited without the written consent of The Hindu |
|