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U.S. hopes India, Pak. will resume dialogue
By K. K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, DEC. 22. The U.S. has applauded the Prime Minister,
Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee's decision to extend the ceasefire in
Jammu and Kashmir beyond the month of Ramzan, as stipulated
earlier. It is encouraged by steps taken on both sides to reduce
violence and respects India's efforts to engage in substantive
talks with a wide range of leaders in Kashmir. It hopes
``conditions will permit India to resume the dialogue with
Pakistan, envisioned in the Lahore Declaration.''
This is how the U.S. views - in the words of its ambassador, Mr.
Richard Celeste, - the latest developments in the wake of New
Delhi's initiatives. In an address to the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation
on ``Indo-U.S. Relations: Building a dynamic partnership for the
21st century'', Mr. Celeste says: ``My country shares the concern
of many of India's friends about tensions between India and
Pakistan which have been especially high since the Kargil war
last year. For many Indians, the U.S. President, Mr. Bill
Clinton's visit to this country did not conclude until he
completed his national televised speech to the people of
Pakistan. His message calling for respect for the Line of
Control, reduced violence and renewed dialogue was articulated
clearly then and continues to guide our policy today.''
In a balanced appraisal of the development of Indo-U.S. relations
he, on the one hand, dwells on the ``robust partnership agenda''
and, on the other, on some ``serious obstacles''. In the first
category, he mentions 1) the establishment of a joint working
group on counter-terrorism, with initial focus on Afghan-based
terrorist organisations and on specific terrorist acts such as
the hijacking of the Indian Airlines flight last Christmas, 2)
discussions on strengthening India's regime for export control
for sensitive materials, 3) counter-narcotics collaboration,
involving expanded shared intelligence collection, 4) the joint
economic dialogue, seeking to address mutual concerns affecting
two-way trade.
Notable among the obstacles are the issues relating to trade and
economic reforms and nuclear non-proliferation. As regards
economic matters, he notes the sustained high rate of growth,
generated by the opening up of the economy in 1991 but adds:
``Political pressures within the governing coalition and outside
it have slowed down the reform agenda, causing the investors in
the U.S. to tread cautiously when considering India as a
destination.''
On nuclear non-proliferation, he has this to say: ``Since India
tested nuclear weapons and announced its intention to build a
minimum credible nuclear deterrent, we have laboured long and
hard together on aspects of a non-proliferation framework -
signature on the CTBT, strengthening export controls,
constructive effort to negotiate a FMCT, and restraint in the
deployment of nuclear weapons. Beyond India's self-imposed
moratorium on testing and serious work to strengthen export
controls, progress in this arena has been grudging.''
The new administration, according to him, will have to decide
early on whether to maintain the current sanctions, mostly
relating to military sales, high-level engagement and technology
transfer or adopt a new approach. Whatever its inclination, it
will be critically important, he says, to carry forward the
candid and constructive dialogue on nuclear and security matters
at a level similar to the Talbott-Singh talks.
Viewed in totality, in his opinion, ``we have moved from paranoia
to partnership'' in the bilateral field.
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