Hesitancy over peace offensive?

By Harish Khare

NEW DELHI, DEC. 29. Though the Vajpayee Government has repeatedly observed that despite the many provocations by militant groups the ceasefire decision would be reviewed only after January 26, 2001, an element of ``hesitancy'' is creeping in in the higher echelons of decision-making about the advisability of the peace offensive, especially on the question of whether or not Pakistan is interested in lowering the tensions.

Authoritative sources have noted with dismay that while India has retracted a bit from its earlier position that there would be no talks with Pakistan unless ``cross-border terrorism'' stopped, there has been no reciprocal evidence of Pakistan wanting to put an end to activities of groups such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba. There may be something to the Pakistani establishment's protestation that it has no control over these groups, but the least that the military regime in Islamabad can do is express disapproval of the activities of the foreign militant groups operating from Pakistani territory.

Key officials in the Vajpayee establishment have been particularly angry that Islamabad has allowed groups based on its soil to hold out threats against the Prime Minister's Office. ``You cannot be serious about peace talks and still issue threats against this very office,'' a very senior official noted angrily.

These officials point out that it may not be possible for Mr. A.B. Vajpayee to sustain the peace offensive if Pakistan- based outfits continued to engage in violence. Apart from the fact that the security forces are squirming at the ``target practice'' by the militant groups, the Vajpayee Government is mindful of the nitpicking resorted to by the principal Opposition party, Congress.

Even voices within the BJP are far from sanguine. The party's vice-president, Mr. Jana Krishnamurthi, went public a few days ago with a threat that the ceasefire would be reviewed if any attempt, however symbolic, was made at the PMO. The tough note, according to these officials, in the Home Minister's speech yesterday at the CRPF function, is a pointer to the ``hesitancy factor''. The Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, has already declared his forces would not observe the ceasefire.

Hesitancy on talks with Pakistan apart, the Government remains convinced of the advisability of a dialogue with the All- Party Hurryat Conference, besides others, about bringing an end to violence in the State. As for the U.S. factor, the Vajpayee establishment has reason to believe that a Bush administration would continue with the approach of the President, Mr. Bill Clinton, - support and encouragement for peace.

However, there is still no final decision whether the Hurriyat should be encouraged to hold a ``parallel'' dialogue (with India and Pakistan) or should engage in ``sequential'' talks. The expectation is that the Government's tactical priorities would get finessed once the Prime Minister returns from his holiday. By that time Mr. A.S. Dullat would have assumed his new role as Officer on Special Duty in the PMO, where he is expected to deal mostly with Kashmir affairs. However, it is pointed out that Jammu and Kashmir remains part of the Home Ministry's administrative empire, and Mr. Advani will, as he has been at every step, remain one of the principal decision-makers.

Hurriyat `unaware'

In Srinagar, Hurriyat leaders claimed they had no information about the Centre's decision to issue travel documents to them, enabling them to visit Pakistan to discuss the ceasefire with militant groups there.Senior Hurriyat leader, Mr. Abdul Gani Lone, said, ``We don't know about it... but came to know about it through the media.''

In New Delhi, a spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs said the Government would consider issuance of passports to the Hurriyat leaders under existing rules as and when a request was made. He refused to respond to queries whether the travel documents had been issued.

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