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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Monday, January 22, 2001 |
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Lessons from Enron
By Amulya Reddy
VIRTUALLY ALL recent developments arising from the Enron Dabhol
power project were foretold by its critics. Though little new or
unexpected has emerged, the outcome has turned out to be far
worse than what even its bitterest opponents imagined. There may
be temporary ``silver linings''. For example, the price of Dabhol
power now may not be as scandalously high as when the
international oil price was about $30 a barrel. The Centre may
come to the rescue of Maharashtra (and Dabhol!) through
favourable tax policies and dilution of the damage by absorbing
Dabhol power in the national grid. Nevertheless, compared to
other sources, the cost of Dabhol power will remain a quantum
leap high and will also be volatile and subject to international
fluctuations. Hence, it is important to draw the crucial lessons
regarding the process followed for the project selection and the
paradigm guiding this process.
In its post-1990 liberalisation effort, the Indian power sector
did not opt for a full-fledged market approach based on
competitive bidding for supply projects. In a perpetuation of old
command-and-control habits, it pursued memoranda of
understanding, counter-guarantees and power purchase agreements.
All these mechanisms increase the opportunity for wheeling and
dealing and illicit transactions ending in foreign investors
being accorded favourable terms that they would never dream of
obtaining in their countries. The Enron Dabhol project was the
most glaring example of this pseudo-liberalisation.
The advice in favour of the project was given by
experts/committees/consultants but they proved unreliable. For
instance, the experts did not even predict that the (Rs/$)
exchange rate and the ($/barrel) oil price would rise. They did
not carry out a rigorous risk analysis. Neither did they campaign
for public participation, which is invariably a good safeguard
against weaknesses of analysis. Thus, there was no involvement of
civil society in decision-making and there was no public
participation in the selection of the Dabhol project.
Public participation, however, requires widely available, easily
accessible and reliable information. Unfortunately, information
about projects is (or is deliberately made) a rare commodity.
After all, secrecy is a powerful weapon of the incompetent and
the dishonest. No wonder, the Dabhol Power Purchase Agreement was
opaque and unavailable for public scrutiny. There was no
transparency whatsoever. It has been asserted that the project
would never have gone through had there been a right-to-
information law.
Energy analysts, preoccupied with being in the corridors of
power, are more concerned about being acceptable to, and in the
good books of, the establishment than with independence and
truth. Civil servants appear to function on the assumption that
they will not hold the same position when the day of reckoning
comes. Political decision-makers seem to be certain that they
will not hold the same office when the consequences of their
decisions turn up. This situation was aggravated by the fact that
there was no accountability. To this day, there is no complete
listing of those who conducted the Enron-Dabhol negotiations and
took the decisions.
The Enron Dabhol project also reveals a number of shibboleths -
old-fashioned and generally abandoned doctrines - regarding the
power sector. One is that demand-side management (and energy
conservation) can be ignored in developing countries because it
is appropriate only for industrialised countries. The thrust must
solely be on supply expansion. Broader development objectives
(health, education, etc.) can be sacrificed in the interests of
power sector expansion. In fact, the planning target should be
surplus power. Further, it is often (pompously!) asserted,
particularly by proponents of exorbitantly expensive power, that
any power, however costly, is cheaper than no power. It is also
believed that the tariff implications of the supply-demand
matching exercise can invariably be ignored. And that the
interests of the unconnected and poor consumers can be forgotten.
Of greater worry is the view that globalisation (regarding power
project equipment and sources of fuels) should be pursued even if
it results in external forces taking over control of the sector.
Foreign investment should be attracted even if it requires dollar
indexing of power plant investments and imported fuels. No
importance is accorded to the fact that, unlike most other
developing countries, India is unique in that it has built up a
strong and competent indigenous power supply equipment producer
(BHEL) and that it is not in the country's interests to undermine
and dismantle the BHEL.
The Enron Dabhol project has many lessons to offer. A surplus of
power is as harmful as a shortage of power. Excess power (with a
take or pay PPA) means that cheap power may have to be rejected.
In fact, under certain circumstances, it may be cheaper to have
no power than buy exorbitant unaffordable power. It is imperative
to examine the tariff implications of any supply-demand matching
exercise. Also, DSM must be included as an option with Integrated
Resource Planning (Least Cost Planning) to arrive at the cheapest
mix of supply and saving options. Competitive bidding procedures
rather than MoUs and counter-guarantees are the most effective
method of getting the best terms from investors. The PPAs come in
the way of merit order dispatch, which is the most cost-effective
way of supplying electricity to meet demand. The broader
developmental implications of power sector expansion must be kept
in mind. The sector must pursue the goal of universal access to
affordable electricity. There must be a stress on self-reliance
as a central developmental objective to avoid control being taken
over by foreign forces. To protect against exchange rate
volatility, the dollar indexation of power project costs must be
avoided as far as possible. In this context, the strengthening of
the BHEL must be ensured. To protect against the impacts of
international oil price rises, fuel policy must be based, other
things being ``equal'', on indigenous resources. Above all, as
far as the process is concerned, there must be not only
competitive bidding but transparency, accountability and
participation. The right to information is the talisman or charm
capable of working wonders. Since it is the people who suffer the
impacts over the long-term, they must wrest watchdog control with
the assistance of public-interest organisations.
Before considering measures to address the crisis arising from
the Enron Dabhol project, it is essential to respond to its
advertisements that all is well with the project and that the
problem really stems from the Maharashtra State Electricity
Board's (MSEB's) weaknesses - its subsidy for irrigation, its
high transmission and distribution (T&D) losses, its failure to
stem theft and collect dues, etc. While all these criticisms are
valid, they are applicable to all other sources as well. They are
not unique to Dabhol power and are therefore no explanation of
the MSEB's inability to pay for Dabhol power.
The immediate problem is to staunch the financial haemorrhage of
the MSEB and Maharashtra arising from the price of Dabhol power.
Several possibilities need examination. How such ruinous power
projects have been ended in other countries must be studied. A
thorough exploration of all the legal escape routes is necessary.
Can environmental laws be invoked? A massive publicity effort
exposing the project as the ``rip-off of the millennium'' should
be considered in the hope that Enron will be affected in the way
Shell was in Nigeria by the ``Boycott Shell; Free Nigeria''
campaign against environmental damage. The assistance of NGOs in
the industrialised countries may help.
If the Enron Dabhol project were the first and last of a kind,
then the lessons mentioned above would purely be of academic and
historical interest. Unfortunately, it appears there are many
Dabhol clones or lookalikes with damaging consequences. Hence, it
is crucial to resort to urgent measures to prevent Enron-type
damage spreading elsewhere.
(The writer is with the International Energy Initiative,
Bangalore.)
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