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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Sunday, March 11, 2001 |
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Leading from the front
SUDHANSHU RANADE comments on the destruction of Buddhist statues
in Afghanistan.
MUSLIMS and Hindus of all hues will be able to understand what
Mr. Vajpayee said in an interview to the Muslim editor of an
Islamic newsmagazine during his recent holiday in the lagoons of
Kerala. Secularists, he said, were left in confusion and disarray
after India was partitioned on communal lines; "however,
secularism remained".
These words were spoken by a supposedly moderate Prime Minister,
soon after the turbulence in Parliament about his reference to
the "national aspirations" of the Indian people. Many people
might therefore think that the Prime Minister was saying in
effect that, now, with the secularists at bay, it is time to dump
secularism as well; it is time to resume our efforts to
forcefully rectify the wrongs or aberrations of history.
People are often unable to see themselves as others see them.
Thus Mr. Vajpayee who, only the other day, had been unable to see
why Mr. Jyoti Basu called the Bharatiya Janata Party "barbaric
and uncivilised" for vandalising the Babri Masjid, was able to
straightaway recognise and condemn the "barbaric and uncivilised"
Taliban regime for the destruction of Buddhist relics in
Afghanistan. By the same logic, the Muslim world, and for that
matter the Christian world as well, might not be able to view our
"national aspirations" in quite the same way that we do.
This could pose serious problems for India in the years to come.
To begin with, the "cultural vandalism" of the Taliban, coming as
it does at this juncture, may acquire ominous overtones. The
sanctions against Afghanistan are intended to suffocate the
"barbaric and uncivilised" Taliban, and wring Osama Bin Laden out
of them. Before that, there was a squeeze on Pakistan to close
its training camps for Taliban forces in Afghanistan, and its
camps for training Kashmiri jehadis in Pakistan; thereby
depriving Pakistan of its "strategic depth". Before that came the
understanding reached between the United States and India against
Pakistan sponsored terrorism in Kashmir.
Terrorism must stop before talks begin; we have been saying. But,
the terrorists have been saying, once terrorism is gone, the
Kashmir issue too would recede in India's consciousness. Again
and again, Gen. Musharraf has been pleading with India to
recognise the predicament he is in, sandwiched between Taliban-
esque forces in Afghanistan and Pakistan on the one hand and the
Americans on the other. Yet knowing full well how precariously he
is perched, we keep telling him "what is the point of talking to
you if the terrorists are not under your control". Meanwhile, the
farce of Indian ceasefires in Kashmir continues. India knows full
well, but pretends not to see, that to be able to put an end to
terrorism in Kashmir, Gen. Musharraf, to use his own words,
should at least be given "some small thing that he can show to
his people".
Till just the other day, before the Taliban began making
mincemeat of the Buddha, Musharraf had been anxiously indicating,
over and over again, his readiness to come to India for talks; if
invited. Our response : "then why has he not asked us for an
invitation". Reminds me of pleas to Zia ul Haq to spare the life
of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto; "but he himself has not asked for mercy",
the General said, before hanging him.
The repurcussion could be that we might soon find ourselves in
the midst of a debate on how the "cultural vandalism" of the
Hindus is different from that of the Muslims; apart from the fact
that it costs thousands of innocent people their lives. This
could inflame the sentiments of Muslims abroad, and will
certainly inflame the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal,
who anyway are saying: if the Taliban continues to destroy
Buddhist statues, and the mausoleum of Prithvi Raj Chavan in
Afghanistan, "muslims in India will have to face dire
consequences". Civil war, no less. What better result could the
"Inter Service Intelligence" possibly hope for ?
Let us now move one more step backward; beyond the Buddha
statues, sanctions on Afghanistan, the pressure on Musharraf, and
his rebuff; let us go back to the grand alliance between India
and the U.S. The logic is best spelled out in Jaswant Singh's
book, written on the eve of the Pokhran blasts and published soon
after. With the demise of the Soviet Union, the U.S. is now the
sole superpower. Better to be on the winning side.
This will help bring peace to Kashmir, tame Pakistan, and greatly
extend Indian influence in South-east Asia. As for China, "in the
absence of any social, cultural, political and economic
commonality, a policy of 'improving relations' with China could
yet again mortgage our future for illusions of the present".
Happily, for this, too, India could ride piggyback on the
Americans.
It is in order to cement this alliance, and thereby, he hopes,
further our purpose, that Jaswant Singh has committed India to
fighting Islamic terrorism (not only in Kashmir, but wherever it
exists), to combating drug trafficking in South and South-east
Asia (which not only finances terrorism but also subverts
administration and therefore brings about the anarchy in which
terrorism thrives). And, of course, the responsibility of
containing China, by spreading Indian influence into the
countries of South east Asia, and Indian naval presence off their
shores.
West Asia and Central Asia, both Islamic, India would like to
build ties with; for her energy needs, and for secure lines of
supply. This might pose a bit of a problem - because of the
smoldering anti-U.S. embers in Palestine and Iraq, but also
because, so long as the VHP is around, it will not be as easy for
India as it is for the U.S. to convince people that our fight is
against Islamic terrorism, not against Muslims and Islam.
It is disturbing that India should have taken the responsibility
of "leading from the front" the forceful campaigns of the U.S. in
the cause of "Freedom"; it will not feel nice to find ourselves
directly in the line of fire. And it is alarming that it has not
yet struck us that though the U.S. might be our nearest
neighbour, the U.S. itself has lots of nearer neigbhours.
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