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Wednesday, March 14, 2001

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J&K: Will the Govt. go beyond piece-meal approach?

By K.K. Katyal

NEW DELHI, MARCH 13. Meagre indeed was the indication given in Parliament by the Prime Minister, Mr. A.B. Vajpayee, of the post- ceasefire strategy on Kashmir. As a result, the country was not any wiser on the Government's comprehensive thinking and the suspense - or exasperation over the delay - continued. The feeling that the gains of the Ramzan initiative had been squandered was strengthened.

All that the Prime Minister said, in a brief reference, was that the Government would soon take steps to begin talks with ``all concerned parties'' in Jammu and Kashmir. He hinted at an early forward movement but did not elaborate. While conceding delays, he said the Government was not responsible for them and he would disclose the reasons at an ``appropriate time''. Tantalising, not enlightening.

Similarly, on another important issue - the nuclear policy - he did not spell out the specifics of the Government stand, confining himself to known generalities.

As regards Jammu and Kashmir, the Central plan envisaged separate talks with representatives of various sections of political opinion - the Hurriyat, the National Conference, the Congress, the former Home Minister, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, who has set up a separate party, and intellectuals from different regions of the State.

Two points could be made at this stage. One, the line advocated by the Home Minister, Mr. L.K. Advani, on the role and status of the Hurriyat has prevailed. Two, the Centre has not gone beyond a piecemeal approach. What the Prime Minister said was an inadequate response to the post cease-fire situation.

Mr. Advani's stand on the Hurriyat was known even before he enunciated it in Parliament. He was averse to its plans to visit Pakistan and its donning the mantle of a mediator. His view was based on the apprehension that once in Pakistan, the Hurriyat might seek to project itself as a third party, causing a major diplomatic embarrassment to New Delhi. Obviously, the Home Minister chose not to accept the Hurriyat statement that the visit was intended to establish contact with militants there with a view to persuading them to reciprocate Mr. Vajpayee's ceasefire gesture. Also, he was not prepared to give them the status of being the sole representative of Kashmiris. As seen by him, they were one of the many sections, an important one though, who were to be involved in the internal dialogue on the issue. This was also the meaning of Mr. Vajpayee's brief reference.

The piece-meal nature of the approach was evident from the Prime Minister's silence on the prospects of talks with Pakistan. He called upon Islamabad to give up its committed hostility to India and contrasted it with New Delhi's efforts for peace but did not go beyond that. Two days ago, at Bangalore, he warded off media queries on a Kashmir strategy, saying he would spell it out in Parliament. Those who thought that he would utilise the opportunity of his reply to the debate on the President's address for a detailed statement would have been disappointed.

India's firm, unequivocal stand on the need and urgency of ending trans-border terrorism was known. At the same time, Mr. Vajpayee had not ruled out talks with Pakistan ``at the highest level''. How to marry these two propositions into a coherent policy line was the question that needed to be addressed. It was not.

The visit of the U.N. Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, here later this week, is certain to be an occasion for New Delhi to explain its attitude on talks with Pakistan. Mr. Annan, who commended the path of dialogue in Islamabad (in the face of shrill voices demanding U.N. intervention), is bound to repeat the suggestion here. It would have been better if the Government had spelt out the latest thinking on the subject before his arrival.

There was a weightier reason to do so, especially because the Secretary-General had upheld the Indian position on the role of the world body on Kashmir.

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