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J&K: Will the Govt. go beyond piece-meal approach?
By K.K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, MARCH 13. Meagre indeed was the indication given in
Parliament by the Prime Minister, Mr. A.B. Vajpayee, of the post-
ceasefire strategy on Kashmir. As a result, the country was not
any wiser on the Government's comprehensive thinking and the
suspense - or exasperation over the delay - continued. The
feeling that the gains of the Ramzan initiative had been
squandered was strengthened.
All that the Prime Minister said, in a brief reference, was that
the Government would soon take steps to begin talks with ``all
concerned parties'' in Jammu and Kashmir. He hinted at an early
forward movement but did not elaborate. While conceding delays,
he said the Government was not responsible for them and he would
disclose the reasons at an ``appropriate time''. Tantalising, not
enlightening.
Similarly, on another important issue - the nuclear policy - he
did not spell out the specifics of the Government stand,
confining himself to known generalities.
As regards Jammu and Kashmir, the Central plan envisaged separate
talks with representatives of various sections of political
opinion - the Hurriyat, the National Conference, the Congress,
the former Home Minister, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, who has set up a
separate party, and intellectuals from different regions of the
State.
Two points could be made at this stage. One, the line advocated
by the Home Minister, Mr. L.K. Advani, on the role and status of
the Hurriyat has prevailed. Two, the Centre has not gone beyond a
piecemeal approach. What the Prime Minister said was an
inadequate response to the post cease-fire situation.
Mr. Advani's stand on the Hurriyat was known even before he
enunciated it in Parliament. He was averse to its plans to visit
Pakistan and its donning the mantle of a mediator. His view was
based on the apprehension that once in Pakistan, the Hurriyat
might seek to project itself as a third party, causing a major
diplomatic embarrassment to New Delhi. Obviously, the Home
Minister chose not to accept the Hurriyat statement that the
visit was intended to establish contact with militants there with
a view to persuading them to reciprocate Mr. Vajpayee's ceasefire
gesture. Also, he was not prepared to give them the status of
being the sole representative of Kashmiris. As seen by him, they
were one of the many sections, an important one though, who were
to be involved in the internal dialogue on the issue. This was
also the meaning of Mr. Vajpayee's brief reference.
The piece-meal nature of the approach was evident from the Prime
Minister's silence on the prospects of talks with Pakistan. He
called upon Islamabad to give up its committed hostility to India
and contrasted it with New Delhi's efforts for peace but did not
go beyond that. Two days ago, at Bangalore, he warded off media
queries on a Kashmir strategy, saying he would spell it out in
Parliament. Those who thought that he would utilise the
opportunity of his reply to the debate on the President's address
for a detailed statement would have been disappointed.
India's firm, unequivocal stand on the need and urgency of ending
trans-border terrorism was known. At the same time, Mr. Vajpayee
had not ruled out talks with Pakistan ``at the highest level''.
How to marry these two propositions into a coherent policy line
was the question that needed to be addressed. It was not.
The visit of the U.N. Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, here
later this week, is certain to be an occasion for New Delhi to
explain its attitude on talks with Pakistan. Mr. Annan, who
commended the path of dialogue in Islamabad (in the face of
shrill voices demanding U.N. intervention), is bound to repeat
the suggestion here. It would have been better if the Government
had spelt out the latest thinking on the subject before his
arrival.
There was a weightier reason to do so, especially because the
Secretary-General had upheld the Indian position on the role of
the world body on Kashmir.
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