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Opinion
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A ray of hope in Pakistan?
THE SUPREME COURT of Pakistan seems to have raised hopes of a
fair deal for that country's civilian leaders who are struggling
under a military rule. The apex court has set aside the verdict
delivered by a provincial bench against Ms. Benazir Bhutto, a
former Prime Minister for long in exile, in a case of alleged
corruption. Surely, the latest verdict pertains to a case decided
during a democratic phase that preceded Gen. Pervez Musharraf's
coup of October 1999. Yet, the new judgment, which calls for a
retrial, will turn the spotlight on the style and substance of
the military government's prosecution of a twice-elected former
Prime Minister. In one sense, Ms. Bhutto, who faces several other
cases of suspected corruption, may not be able to count on the
possibility of a new accommodation between the civilian political
elite and the present military regime. Nor can she see in the
judgment itself any ray of hope that the military rule may end
sooner than later. From her perspective, such reasoning has much
to do with the plurality of pending cases against her and the
uncertainties of the practices which the military regime's
prosecutors may follow. However, Ms. Bhutto tends to see the
prospect of a positive new reality. In her view, the verdict can
be a signal that Pakistan's judiciary will not be cowed down by
the military dictatorship which, in fact, had argued against her
successful appeal in the present case. It is in these
circumstances that Ms. Bhutto is now seeking the mystique of a
leader of democratic resurgence. However, she knows that her
political slate is not clean, given the controversies that she
had stoked while in power despite her prime asset of a certain
charisma and ability to communicate with the masses. There is, of
course, little doubt that she was undemocratically unseated twice
in the 1990s, even if the methods adopted were arguably
`constitutional' in scope.
What the Supreme Court has now overturned pertains to an adverse
verdict that an Accountability Bench of the Lahore High Court had
passed against Ms. Bhutto and her husband, Mr. Asif Zardari, in
1999. The conviction was handed down when her prime civilian
adversary, Mr. Nawaz Sharif, was still the Prime Minister with
the experience of having been dismissed once before. The Supreme
Court has not yet spelt out its reasoning. But the judgment
itself was preceded by much media speculation about the existence
of an audiotape in support of the allegations that the trial
court judges had received telephonic instructions from the Sharif
administration to punish her. The argument in appeal was that the
trial court had sentenced her in a politically vitiated
atmosphere. Now, the Musharraf administration is reported to have
taken the line that such recorded evidence does not really exist.
This aspect may be materially relevant to the retrial which will
take place under an accountability ordinance promulgated by the
military regime in 2000.
With Mr. Sharif having gone into exile last December in
circumstances that remain largely unexplained, it is
understandable that Ms. Bhutto should wrestle now with the
temptation to emerge as a resurgent votary of civilian rule. The
international community, led by the Commonwealth, appears to have
sustained the pressure on Gen. Musharraf to restore democracy in
Pakistan. So, a cynical question in focus is whether the
military, which often prides itself as the messiah of
`stability', can seek to co-exist with Ms. Bhutto within the
country's current political space. The notion of such coexistence
is compounded by the intrinsic contradiction between Ms. Bhutto's
wish-list and Gen. Musharraf's choices. The question that the
domestic campaigners for the restoration of democracy in Pakistan
need to ponder is whether hotch-potch alliances, such as the one
now led by Mr. Nawabzada Nasrullah, can at all deliver the goods.
It is time for fresh thinking by Pakistan's democracy
campaigners.
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