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The power of storytelling
By Neera Chandhoke
THE EDUCATIONAL apparatus of the Indian state has done it again:
left-leaning historians have been dropped from the project of
writing the history of the Indian nation-state, this time by the
NCERT. If the Indian Council of Historical Research had waged a
veritable vendetta against Professors Sumit Sarkar and K. N.
Panikkar, and the late Parthasarthi Gupta, now it is Professors
Romila Thapar, R.S. Sharma, Satish Chandra, and Bipan Chandra who
are sought to be banished from the space of writing history for
students. One would have thought that the Ministry would have had
more important matters on its hands, that of imparting literacy
to that half of the population that remains non- literate, in
order to gain at least some access to higher rankings in the
Social Development Index. One would have expected that the
officials of the NCERT should concentrate on providing
blackboards, books, teachers, and school buildings to all the
children who are repeatedly condemned to living out their lives
on the margins of society. The record of the Indian state in
keeping half of its population illiterate is scandalous and
shameful. The holders of power should be doing something about
this, particularly at a time when India is eagerly looking to the
world for encomiums. But no, the holders of power in the Ministry
of Human Resources have to go and pour all their energies into
deciding on who should be writing history text and reference
books and who should not. Present power is been used to rewrite
the past.
The only reason why people want to be masters of the present,
observes Milan Kundera, is that they want to change the past.
They are fighting for access to the laboratories where
photographs are retouched and biographies are rewritten. Whereas
the future, suggests Kundera, may be an apathetic void of no
interest to anyone, the past is full of life, eager to irritate
us, provoke and insult us, tempt us to destroy or repaint it.
Kundera's insightful comment makes sense when we realise that a
sense of the past is absolutely crucial for understanding where
we are at the present, and where we may be going to in the
foreseeable future. A society without a past, an individual
without memory is an aberration, amnesia - howsoever comfortable
it may prove for many - is after all viewed as a pathological
condition. We know of no society that does not possess collective
memory; no society that does not flaunt its archives of the past
in the form of history text books, mythologies, festivals,
commemorative occasions, and all the panoply that goes into the
making of socially constructed remembrance.
But where we have come from is not an easy question to answer,
history after all is plural with often two events occurring at
the same moment in time. Whereas for some people August 1947 is
the year of independence, for others the same month is the year
of the partition of India. Some of us may remember with some
pride a victory over colonialism, others may recollect with
sadness that it was a victory that came to us with bloodied feet
and torn hands. ``Yeh who subah to nahi'' wrote Faiz mournfully,
even as other poets celebrated the onset of independence.
And that is the nature of the past: multiple, complex,
overlapping, and conflictual at the same time. When we remember
the past we remember untidily, with memory laid upon memory and
memory juxtaposed to memory. It is only when the past is
narrativised that it becomes accessible to us. We simply come to
know of the past through narratives of the past. Therefore, as
Ben Okri tells us in `The Joys of Storytelling', storytellers
become the repositories of a people's wisdom and follies, the
living memory of a people. Even as the storytellers go down deep
into the ``seeds of time, into the unconscious, into the
unchartered fears'', they have to see clearly and make things
more real to us than our most ordinary or our most frightening
experiences do.
Given our primordial desire to know where we have come from it is
not surprising that storytellers and historians - and that there
is a great difference between them is not quite clear in this
moment of postmodernity - wield great power over societies. For
when someone tells us a story, he or she does not only make a
laundry list of events, he or she organises these events, makes
causal connections between them, orders them, and thereby
interprets them. As a complex exercise in connection and
interpretation, the narrative - never wholly real but neither
wholly imagined - will always be more than a sum of events the
narrator thinks are significant for the human condition.
Certainly, narratives perform what Aristotle calls a `mimetic
function' since their referral will be historical. But there is
more, for by bringing together events, agents, purposes, causes
and consequences, and by integrating them into a complete and
intelligible story, narratives create new patterns. Historical
narratives inescapably possess a cognitive dimension as they open
up entire fields of comprehension.
Expectedly storytellers - whether they may be professional
historians, novelists, dramatists, playwrights, painters and
musicians, or neighbourhood natak mandalis that stage the epic
Ramayana every October - who recount tales about our origins and
who order our past, influence us in two ways. First, narratives
proclaim a closure onto memory itself, which otherwise is
unstable. Second, narratives are simply in the business of
privileging one meaning over another.
Therefore, we realise that narrative is a supremely ideological
form. It matters what is narrated, how it is narrated, it matters
what it is narrated for, and it matters what is not narrated. The
way a story is told, what is left out and what is included, what
is focussed on and what is abjured, which voice is privileged,
and which voice is blackballed, will axiomatically depend on the
personal commitments of the narrator, his or her ideological
commitments and values. That is why the past is never written
once and for all and then written off, it is constantly being
repainted, its dullness glossed over, and its contours reshaped
in accordance with the ideological predisposition of the
narrator.
The difference between historical narratives and the power they
wield is thus the difference between world views and the
normative projects of these world views. But then we find good
narratives and bad narratives. How do we distinguish between
them? First, a good historical narrative is one that is accepted
by the peer group. This may appear a vanity of academics, but
getting acclaim from a peer group is not easy, ridden as academia
is with often trivial jealousies and rivalries over
interpretation and ideology. Of course, some books are catapulted
into fame for no reason whatsoever, but then it is only a good
historical narrative that endures over time. And to endure, a
historical narrative must present not only a rigorous but a
persuasive rendering of why things happened the way they did.
Whatever be the historical contingency, there are some books that
will stand the test of time - Gibbon's rise and fall of the Roman
Empire is one example.
More importantly, historical narratives can be distinguished by
their normative commitments. Undeniably an interpretation of the
past is dictated by present concerns. But what are these
concerns? That of building a society where people belonging to
diverse persuasions can live together in some peace and dignity?
Or that of building a society where nothing but hate and
animosity constructs subjects of action? Which project is better?
This will depend on which one of these narratives address the
concern of the ordinary man and woman with care and concerns?
Which narrative is normatively desirable? That which critiques
the past and thereby the present from the vantage point of
normative concerns - tolerance, pluralism, secularism, justice,
democracy, freedom and equality? Or that which presents the past
uncritically in glorious terms in order to legitimise the present
incumbents of power? There is a particularly nasty term for the
latter kind of history - it is called court history. Court bards
now exercise power along with others such as teachers of
astrology in academia.
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