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Discrimination that must be cast away
India's reaction to the proposed World Congress on 'Racism,
Racial discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance' later
this year is curious, say SWAMI AGNIVESH and Rev. VALSON THAMPU.
No academic exercise on race, this U.N. conference is instead an
initiative to address the evils of intolerance and discrimination
in whichever form they exist. But given the country's resistance
to social reform, it becomes regrettably necessary to expose the
pathology of caste practices to global scrutiny, they write.
THE proposed World Congress on "Racism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Related Intolerance", (Durban, South Africa,
August 31 to September 7, 2001), has provoked a long-overdue
debate on caste. Caste today enjoys unprecedented political
leverage in this country. The political establishment argues,
nonetheless, that since constitutional provisions for dealing
with caste-based discriminations and disabilities are in place,
caste is no longer a problem waiting to be addressed. At the same
time, the protagonists of dalit identity have had considerable
success, especially in recent years, in globalising their
grievances. The United Nations, in the meanwhile, has become
bolder in rejecting the erstwhile dogma that the "internal
affairs" of nations should not be interfered with. Those who
remain stuck with the mind set of nation states, though, will
take a while longer to get used to this changing reality.
Given the track record of tenacious resistance to social reform,
it becomes regrettably necessary to expose the pathology of caste
practices to global scrutiny. Sticking plaster over festering
wounds is not known to help in healing them. They are healed best
in exposure. The more we deny dignity and development to our
dalit brothers and sisters and try to keep this scandal under
wraps, the surer we are to invite scrutiny and embarrassment in a
globalising world.
However, the Government, stage-managed by the caste lobby, is
keen to forestall the proposed debate. The strategy of
obstruction in this instance is two-fold. The official objection
articulated by Soli Sorabjee, Attorney General, is that caste
being an issue internal to this country, the U.N. should refrain
from meddling with it. He argues, further, that bringing caste
into the ambit of this conference will dilute the focus on race.
The latter in particular is a curious argument. The U.N. Congress
is not envisaged to be an academic exercise on race, but an
initiative to address the evils of "intolerance and
discrimination" in whichever form they exist. Else, the words
"Xenophobia and Related Intolerance" would not have found a place
in the ambit of the conference. The basic question is not if
caste is generically identical or related to race. It is if caste
perpetuates intolerance and discrimination as race does. The
mandate of the world body is not to shoot down race or caste, it
is to rid the world of intolerance and discrimination in its
myriad forms.
In the meanwhile, a segment of the intelligentsia has launched
itself into endorsing the establishment's stand. Prof. Andre
Beteille has protested vehemently against equating caste with
race. "Treating caste as a form of race," he writes, "is
politically mischievous; what is worse, it is scientifically
nonsensical." Even though he concedes that "the practice of
untouchability is reprehensible and must be condemned", he feels
obliged, nonetheless, to insist that caste is not "a form of
racial discrimination". It is not Andre's case that the caste
system is free from "discrimination". Like Vivekananda and
Gandhiji, he finds "untouchability" repugnant. Condemn it by all
means, but let not caste be polluted by having it discussed
alongside race. Due to his image as an ideologue of liberal
individualism, Andre grants that casteism deserves to be
condemned. But that does not prevent him from objecting to the
way the U.N. proposes to deal with the issue of caste. The
underlying logic amounts to this. "Caste is obnoxious. It must
go. But the U.N. should leave it alone". That is clever; for if
the U.N. does not question caste, assuredly no one else who
matters would.
The Gujarat earthquake is a recent illustration of the
discrimination native to the casteist mindset. Kuldeep Nayyar,
one of our most respected journalists, has this to say on the
discrimination that vitiated relief operations in the quake
affected areas. "The criteria for distribution of relief," he
wrote, "are said to have been caste, creed and religion. High
caste Patels did not allow relief vehicles to reach many places
because the population living there belongs to lower castes,
which the Patels describe as 'the disease-ridden people'." This
is distressingly similar to the situation in Gujarat that
Ambedkar describes in his book, Annihilation of Caste. "In
November 1935, some untouchable women of well-to-do families
started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus looked upon the
use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to their dignity
and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence".
India was at the forefront of globalising the opposition to
Apartheid. We were among the earliest to honour Nelson Mandela
for undoing this discriminatory system. Even so we are averse to
debating caste objectively. In contrast, when the protagonists of
the caste system began targetting a minority community in certain
parts of the country, the Prime Minister found it appropriate to
have a "national debate" on conversion. Given the prolonged
history of caste atrocities,
shouldn't there have been a series of national debates on caste,
so that the dalits too could have told their part of the story?
As long as we are shying away from this long-overdue exercise,
how can we convincingly argue against a global debate on caste?
Swami Dayanand, founder of the Arya Samaj, blasted the citadels
of orthodoxy and proved beyond doubt that the correct
interpretation of the Purush Sukta of the Rig Veda not only
repudiated the birth-based caste system but also supported the
Varna system based on one's Guna, Karma and Swabhava, i.e.
Talent, Action and Aptitude. Dayanand advocated inter-caste
marriages and uplifted dalits to the status of Aryas. He also
denounced the very concept of race by insisting that all of
humanity is one race and any discrimination on the basis of
colour or form was an abomination. The Indian establishment
should proudly appropriate the great legacy of Swami Dayanand and
his Vedic insights.
As a tribute to the legacy of another of India's greatest sons,
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, India should proclaim from Durban that both
race and caste are inhuman institutions and they deserve to be
cast out, lock, stock and barrel.
Race and caste leave indelible marks on their victims, physically
and psychologically. Various attempts have been made by their
apologists to invent scriptural sanctions for them. The Dutch
Reformed Church in South Africa, for instance, deceived itself
into believing that Apartheid was compatible with the biblical
world view. The Church of England, for long, dragged its feet in
condemning this obnoxious system, largely because of the mammoth
investments the Church had in South Africa. The prolonged silence
of the Church universal in the face of such a scandalous
treatment of human beings is at once inexplicable and
inexcusable. How on earth could the Dutch Reformed Church preach
that all people are created in the Image of God and also justify
racism is a riddle that is hard to unravel?
Apparently, caste too claims its sanction from scripture: an
allegation acceptable only to those who do not either know or
respect the Vedas. Ironically, the very fact that scriptural
legitimacy had to be invented for caste proves that it could not
have been justified or legitimised in any other way. It is not
rarely that scripture is used and abused to defend the
indefensible. In point of fact, caste is a post-Vedic invention
meant to perpetuate the religious, social and economic domination
of a few over the rest. Despite the battle cry issued by social
and religious reformers like Buddha, Nanak, Kabir, Dayanand,
Narayana Guru, Jyotiba Phule and Ambedkar, caste discrimination
continues to afflict millions in this country.
Caste, like race is exploitative, discriminatory and anti-
developmental. Its virulence can be gauged from the fact that
though originally a creation of the medieval Brahmanical priest-
craft, the abominable caste system has spread its tentacles into
those religions that admitted converts from Hinduism, such as
Islam, Christianity and Buddhism. It has not spared even a great
social reform movement like the Khalsa Panth, launched 300 years
ago, by the warrior-saint Guru Gobind Singh. The invidious
character of the caste system has even divided the Dalits into
disunited fragments, disabling them from breaking out of this
social prison. Decades after B. R. Ambedkar issued the clarion
call for its annihilation, caste continues to dominate the
social, cultural, religious and political horizon of India. The
sun has set over the great British Empire; but not over the Caste
Empire.
Hence the eagerness of our Government to forestall the proposed
U.N. debate. It is common knowledge that the sole agenda of the
Sangh Parivar is to perpetuate the iniquitous caste system under
the pretext of Hindu resurgence. It is a measure of the prevalent
spiritual illiteracy that this gross misrepresentation has
managed to sway many in this country. In the words of Swami
Vivekananda, "In religion there is no caste. A man from the
highest caste and a man from the lowest may become a monk in
India and the two castes become equal. The caste system is
opposed to the religion of Vedanta".
In the euphoria that accompanied the birth of the Republic, it
was widely believed that the curses of casteism and communalism
would wither away with the rise of secularism and scientific
temper. Precisely the opposite has happened. An intolerant and
casteist perversion of Hinduism is asserting itself politically.
The major institutions of our society and culture are being
ideologically colonised. Policies and priorities are being tilted
in favour of the upper castes and to the disadvantage of the
dalits and minorities. The rights and guarantees enshrined in the
Constitution are being eroded. A palpable allergy to dissent is
becoming the order of the day. Shadows of despair are lengthening
over "the India of our dreams".
In the emerging, carefully choreographed media debate on caste,
it is doubtful if the voice of the victims of caste oppression
will be heard at all. Even if it is, it will be formatted
strictly within the academic and conceptual parameters set for
this debate by the protagonists of the caste order. This is only
to be expected, as they are in a position to fix the
terminological and ideological framework for this debate. It is
naive in the extreme to expect that there can be a fair debate as
long as one of the parties enjoys the exclusive right to fix the
rules. Hence the rationale for a global debate that could ensure
a level playing-field for both sides. The invidious trick that
the social, cultural and political elite have played all through
history is to invent the scruples that shape human perceptions
and options from within. Once these are internalised, the
advocacies of the elite seem logically inevitable. Today
irrational scruples are being worked up against linking race with
caste, even though discrimination and endemic injustice vitiate
both. These arbitrary scruples are a far cry from the plight of
the caste victims. Sadly, they do not have the polemical weapons
to counter this rhetorical offensive.
The time has come to call the bluff on the immorality of the
scruples of the establishment. The reeking injustice of
perpetuating caste oppression and the irreligion of justifying
this aberration in the name of religion must all be seen for what
it is. A world free from the scandals of destitution and
discrimination, a society where all are free to fulfill their
potential, where none is arya or "pariah" for being in the right
or wrong wombs, is the minimum goal towards which we need to move
together as a nation. If the forthcoming U.N. conference urges us
to take a step in this direction, we should avail ourselves of
that chance rather than relapse into defensive disarray.
The discriminatory nature of caste as well as race is duly
recognised by the Constitution. Article 15 (which outlaws
discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place
of birth) and Article 17 (which in effect accepts the existence
of caste-based discrimination and its effect of untouchability as
racial discrimination) are instances in point. Likewise, Article
29 offers protection against caste-based discrimination in
admission to educational institutions. The recognition of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as victims of caste
discrimination over the centuries underlies the need to provide
for reservation in the Lok Sabha and the legislative assemblies
of the States (Articles 331 and 332). Statutory provisions for
reversing the ill-effects of discrimination do not make sense
unless caste-based discriminations are both prevalent and
rampant.
The stark reality of discrimination that plagues a fifth of
India's population continues to stare us in the face. This can no
longer be hidden nor justified. Our stature and future as a
nation depend on the willingness to acknowledge mistakes and the
readiness to correct them, rather than on the stubbornness in
denying their prevalence or the adroitness in defending them. At
any rate, the question of masking the true nature of the caste
system does not even arise; for it is not confined to Indian
territory. From here, it has spread to our neighbouring countries
and, in that sense, caste-based discrimination is not, strictly
speaking, an "internal affair" of our country. The fact that this
sub-human pseudo-religious mechanism has survived for so long and
that it continues to be ascendant does not prove that it cannot
be eradicated. It is unlikely that the caste system, despite its
rare genius for survival, continues to remain immune to the
challenge of the global order, with the vulnerability of nation-
states implied in it, and the inevitable subaltern ferment in the
wake of an unprecedented celebration of human awareness.
This is not a time for academic hair-splitting. It is a time for
bold and forward-looking initiatives. The hangers-on of the old
order will have to realise sooner or later that their customary
framework of discourse has already given way to a global frame of
reference. This is bound to rob their rhetoric of the semblance
of plausibility it enjoyed till the rise of the global order.
Caste is a blatant anachronism in a globalising world. The sooner
this is realised, the better it is for the country as a whole.
The attainment of an egalitarian society free from the stains of
casteism, communalism and corruption, rather than erecting some
temples here and there, should be our authentic "national
aspiration".
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