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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Saturday, June 16, 2001 |
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Search for a consensus
EVOLVING A NATIONAL consensus on contentious global issues is not
just good governance it also strengthens the hand of the
Government in international negotiations. So the call of the
Commerce and Industry Minister, Mr. Murasoli Maran, for such a
consensus ahead of the important ministerial meeting of the World
Trade Organisation in Doha in November is a positive development.
But considering the number of important issues that are involved
and the strong positions of political, economic and social groups
on all of them, the process of consultation has perhaps been
delayed too long to offer the possibility of any substantive
consensus over the next few months. In some areas a decision may
even be reached at the WTO prior to the November meeting, over
the next few weeks.
Since global negotiations inevitably involve give and take, the
key to safeguarding India's interests at the Doha meeting will
lie in a clear awareness of what India wants in return for having
to agree to some of the proposals that other countries may make.
A number of countries are beginning to ask that the Doha meeting
should see the launch of a new round of wide-ranging trade talks
to further liberalise world trade. But India has consistently
opposed such proposals on the grounds that, one, imbalances that
have emerged in the implementation of existing GATT/WTO
agreements should first be corrected and, two, the WTO is already
engaged in a dense agenda of negotiations in agriculture and
services, reviews of existing agreements on intellectual property
rights, trade-related investment measures and other issues so it
will be counter-productive to expand the agenda. This stance has
served India well over the past two years and a coalition of
countries has been built around this position. But as more and
more countries - the advanced and middle-income economies - seek
to put the failure of the last ministerial in 1999 at Seattle
behind them and as the differences among them get narrowed it
could well become difficult for this coalition of largely
developing countries to hold on to the same position at the Doha
conference. The question then will be what India will want or can
accept in three broad areas. First, proposals to further lower
industrial tariffs. Second, demands mainly by the European Union
to negotiate global agreements on foreign investment and
competition policies. And, third, the long-standing and most
controversial demand by both the U.S. and the E.U. to bring
labour and environment standards into the WTO. Even the most
ardent proponents of these proposals do not expect all the WTO
countries to agree to the extreme of the proposals in each of
these areas. But with most political and economic groups in the
country still strongly opposed to trade liberalisation, India
will find it difficult to digest talks on any of these areas even
in the most watered down form.
Building a national consensus in this situation is not just
important, it is also difficult to achieve and certainly cannot
be done in a short period of time. If the Government were to lay
out the entire range of options in each of the areas that has
been talked about as a potential sector of negotiations the
political, economic and social groups in the country may have a
better idea of what is possible and what cannot be realised. The
possible ``costs'' could be set off against the ``benefits'' from
the proposals that the Government has already placed on the table
regarding its expectations from the ongoing negotiations and
reviews. Besides a solution to the ``implementation problems'',
these include placing health concerns at the centre of a review
of the WTO patent regime, stronger protection to products such as
Basmati rice which have geographic indications and a faster and
more meaningful reduction of agricultural subsidies in the E.U.
and the U.S.
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