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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Saturday, June 16, 2001 |
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Managing the food economy
By Bhanu Pratap Singh
ENSURING ADEQUATE nutrition for all is as important as ensuring
the country's defence. Even `Swaraj' loses its meaning for those
who have to go to bed on an empty stomach. That is why it has
been laid down in our Constitution, ``The State shall regard the
raising of the level of nutrition, and the improvement of public
health, as among its primary duties''. To what extent the state
has failed in providing adequate nutrition to our people is
evident from the fact that the percentage of underweight children
below the age of five is the highest - 53 per cent - in India,
except for Bangladesh, where it is 56 per cent. From this one can
conclude that nearly half of our nation is underfed.
Food security depends mainly on domestic production of grain.
While our policy-makers have been extolling the achievement of
about six per cent annual growth in our GDP during the 1990s they
have hardly taken note of the fact that during the same period
there has been a sharp decline in growth rate of grain
production. The growth rate in availability of grain per capita
during the 1990s came down by 0.28 per cent per annum, as
compared to a rise of 1.2 per cent per annum during the 1980s.
The Ninth Five Year Plan has proved a flop as far as achieving
its target of foodgrain production is concerned. The target set
for the terminal year of the Ninth Plan, 2001-2002, was 234
million tonnes. But taking into account the dismal performance of
the farm sector during the first four years of the Ninth Plan,
the Union Government reduced the target to 212 million tonnes.
Even if this new target is achieved, the average per capita
availability of grain during the Ninth Plan will be significantly
lower than what it was during the Eighth Plan. The failure to
achieve the grain production target during the Ninth Plan cannot
be attributed to any wrath of nature. During the last 12 years,
monsoons have been satisfactory, ranging between 119 and 91 per
cent of the normal.
It needs to be noted that though we have been claiming self-
sufficiency in foodgrain, the reality is that during the last 30
years, after the advent of the Green Revolution, we have produced
enough grain only in five years for adequate nutrition of our
total population at the rate of 180 kg per capita per annum. We
should also take note of the fact that our average annual per
capita availability of cereals has been no more than two-thirds
of the world average.
Compared to China, we have more area under cereals production,
and also more irrigated land. Yet, our per capita availability of
cereals is less than two-thirds of that in China, as well as in
the world as a whole. The reason is our low per hectare
productivity, which is only 75 per cent of the world average and
less than half of that already achieved in the U.S. and China.
We do not lack natural resources. Our potential is at least twice
as much as we are currently producing. What we lack is political
will. None of our politicians has ever set the target of
achieving the full potential of our agriculture. Their thinking
is still feudal. Agriculture and agriculturists are not their
main concern. They should ponder why farming and farmers are
still receiving so much attention from the Governments in the
U.S., the European Union and China, which are all self-
sufficient in grain.
The indifference of our politicians towards agriculture is
evident from the sharp decline in the Government's own
contribution to capital formation in the sector. Expenditure on
agriculture research in India is only 0.2 per cent of the GDP,
whereas in the world as a whole this percentage is 0.8, and in
countries such as the U.S. between two and three per cent. Our
Government should realise that compared to information
technology, biotechnology in no less important for a country like
India, where two-thirds of the population is still dependent on
agriculture for its livelihood.
Management of the food economy should have two objectives; first,
to increase grain production; and, second, to ensure its proper
distribution. We have seen how our system has failed - both in
the long run and the short term - to achieve higher productivity
and production of grain. Now let us take a quick look at the
Public Distribution System, which was established mainly to
ensure a fair distribution of grain. Some of its disturbing
features are as follows:
Its sky-rocketing cost, reflected in the ever-increasing subsidy
paid to Food Corporation of India (FCI). Though the amount of
grain distributed by the FCI has not materially changed, the
subsidy paid to it has gone up from Rs. 2,800 crores in 1992-1993
to Rs. 12,125 crores in 2000-2001.
Last year its cost of delivery from producers to consumers was 30
per cent in the case of wheat, and 43 per cent in the case of
rice, averaging no less than 36.5 per cent of the price received
by farmers. Any marketing system of which the margin between
producers and consumers is more than 25 per cent cannot be
considered efficient.
Nearly one-third of whatever is despatched from Government
godowns to different parts of the country, is pilfered on the
way.
Most State Governments being bankrupt, they are unable to take
advantage of the Targeted Public Distribution System for poor
families. Hence the mounting stocks in Government godowns.
Because of its high economic cost, and the Government decision
not to sell its grain at less than the economic cost to families
above the poverty level (APL), such families are buying their
requirements from the open market where prices are lower. This is
indeed surprising since the FCI was established to restrain
private traders from excessive profiteering. The result is that
most of our people, who are above the poverty level, do not
derive any benefit from the PDS on which the Government is now
spending fabulous amounts.
Yet another intriguing feature of our PDS is that it is willing
to sell grain at half the economic cost for consumption by
foreigners but not by our own people, unless they are below the
poverty level.
To sum up, the management of our food economy is in a mess. It is
likely to worsen after the removal of quantitative restrictions
(QRs) on the import of farm products. To improve the situation,
the Government should take prompt and radical reform measures.
The first step towards such reforms would be to withdraw all
restrictions on free trade of farm products within the country.
In the words of the Planning Commission, ``Trade in agriculture
is besieged with a plethora of restrictions that continue to
hamper its health and competitive potential. These, in turn,
adversely affect the efforts of raising production and
productivity. Therefore, all restrictions on movement, stocking,
trading, credit by financial institutions, monopoly buying,
processing and exports have to be removed to enable the farmers
to take advantage of free market.'' It is not only illogical, but
also immoral on the part of the Government to plead, on the one
hand, for globalisation of trade and, on the other, fail to
create one unified national market for farm products within the
country.
(The writer is a former Union Food Minister.)
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