'No solution for Nagas within Constitution'

By Barun Das Gupta

FROM SOMEWHERE IN MOKUKCHUNG (Nagaland), JULY 4. From outside, the house does not look different from any other house. But as one is ushered into the main hall, one finds about a dozen young men in their late teens or early twenties, armed with AK-47 rifles and UZI sub-machine guns, keeping a close watch on the surroundings.

One is led down a winding staircase, each landing guarded by an armed militant, three storeys below into the office of Mr. Kitovi Zhimomi, general secretary, NSCN, and Ato Kilonser (``prime minister'') of the ``Government of People's Republic of Nagaland'' (GPRN) of the Khaplang faction.

On a table beside him, is a closed-circuit TV. ``This is for our security,'' Mr. Zhimomi says, ``for, sometimes we have unwanted visitors.''

Under the formal ceasefire the Centre entered into with the NSCN (K) on April 28, there is no restriction on the movement of their men but they cannot move openly and outside designated areas with arms.

Before the formal ceasefire, there was an ``informal'' one between the NSCN (K) and the security forces for the past one year. The April agreement only gave de jure recognition to a de facto reality.

Mr. Zhimomi gives his views on a wide range of subjects. On the integration of the Naga-inhabited areas or on the demand for Naga sovereignty, Mr. Zhimomi does not have any difference with Mr. Muivah of the rival faction.

There is one difference, though. The Centre's latest agreement with Mr. Muivah extends the ceasefire ``without territorial limits'' as if it were applicable to the whole country. Mr. Zhimomi, on the other hand, wants it extended to Naga-inhabited areas with ``specific territorial limits.''

About the present relations between the two factions, he says: ``We usually try to avoid each other. Our orders to our men are to observe maximum restraint. But sometimes when the two sides happen to run into each other, they fight. But normally we inform each other (of our movements) to avoid accidental confrontation.''

He cautions the Centre against coming to ``different understandings'' on a solution of the Naga problem with different groups such as the two factions of the NSCN and the NNC. About his own side's taking part in any future talks with the Centre, he says they would have to do their homework which would involve consulting all the 30 Naga tribes.

He also adds that any settlement with the I-M group ``which is acceptable to the Naga people'' will be acceptable to the Khaplang group as well. But what if the I-M group accepts a solution within the framework of the Indian Constitution?

``I am sure the Naga people will never accept anything but sovereignty,'' he says. ``Nothing short of a sovereign, independent Naga country will be acceptable to us. There can be no solution within the framework of the Indian Constitution.'' The other point he harps on is the integration of the Nagas living in Myanmar. Their population is over two million. The Nagas in Myanmar, he says, will also have to be brought into the Naga State. After solving the problem of integrating Indian Nagas into one State, the second problem will be integrating the Myanmarese Nagas. For this, some other country's intervention may be necessary, he says.

The Myanmarese authorities were now willing to have a ceasefire with the Khaplang group, ``but we are not willing.''

His observation about China is interesting. He thinks China wants Myanmar to remain a military junta-ruled country, if it does not become a communist country.

But China would never like to see Myanmar as a democratic country.

He recalls that China had helped them before the Cultural Revolution and also afterwards and feels sure that ``even now they may support us''.

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